Onye Igbo ka Nbu

                                               Chukwurah

Filip Emeagwali

 

 

 

 

 

 

 




Ichoputaghari Ihe Banyere Umu Igbo Furu Efu

Ozi Nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali degara Igbo Cultural Association of Calgary, Canada n'oge emume afo ncheta Igbo

August 23, 2003 na Calgary di na obodo Canada

Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O!

Obi bu m so an~uli oge Ma'zi Kene Ufondu kpokurum ka m bia buru onye obia puru iche na emume ncheta Ndi Igbo 2003 na Calgary. Ya mere nji were si ka m'gwa unu okwu nkwado.

Iji kwado emume unu, ana m akpoku nwa Igbo obula ka ochee echichi ma lotakwa ihe iriba ama puru iche Umu Igbo gara mba imilikiti afo gara aga megasiri ikwado oganiru madu.

Ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were lota Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha nke ana etu "Ja Ja," onye nke atoro na oru nafo iri na abua ma gbagide mbo we buru Eze Igbo n'Opobo. Ndi ulo ikpe Britain kpurulu Ma'zi Jubogha ga n'ulo ikpe ha ebe ha noro maa ya ikpe na odara iwu site na imebi "nkwa udo okwere" na kwa "igbochi nnukwu uzo azum ahia". Na itaya ahuhu, achupuru Ma'zi Jubogha nobodo ya, buru ya ga n'obodo anakpo Barbados na kwa mba nke St. Vincent, di na West Indies.

Iji kwanyere ya ugwu ruru ya, ndi mba Barbados etinyena akuko maka ndu ya na akuko iro ha, makwa na ukwe.

Ozo, ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were kene Ma'zi Olaudah Equiano, nwata ozo dikwa afo iri na abua erepulu n'oru onye nke jiri aka ya dere si: "Abu m Igbo". Ewerem ukpa ekene bunye Ma'zi Equiano onye nke mere ka anyi nwee akuko edere ede banyere odinani na omenani ma kwa emume Ndi Igbo oge gboo. Ekenekwasim Ma'zi Equiano ka osi were mee ka uwa ghota ijo ihe din a igbo oru, soro nua ogu iji kwusi ya, ma dekwa akwukwo banyere ajo agwa di na igba oru.

Abu na esota bu abu nke ejiri were kwaa obere nwa anyi Olaudah furu efu:

"Obu Onye ka anyi na acho? Obu Onye ka anyi na acho?
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho.
Obu iyi ka ochulu? Biko nya nata.
Obu ugbo ka ojelu? Biko nya nata.
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho."

Ma'zi Ikwuano bu ichie, burukwa nna-mmuo. Ndi ogu akwukwo dum, iji bobe ya ndu anwu anwu, nyere ya aha otutu: "Nna akuko banyere ndi ojii."

Ewerem ubochi Ncheta Igbo were kponite mmuo Umu Igbo nwoke, nwanyi na umuaka ndi Georgia's Sea Islands ndi nke miri rigbadoo oge ha siri na ugbo oru manye na miri iji gbanari agbam oru. Akuko ndi anakpo n'oyibo ndi Sea Islands nerota etu "Oru ekwe ekwe Umu Igbo", ndi anya miri juru anya siri buru iga akponyere ha na olu makwa na ukwu, kwa akwa alili, were otu olu were tie nkpu akpata oyi na asi:

"Oshimiri butel'anyi, Oshimiri g'ebu anyi laa"

Omume dike nke Umu Igbo, makwa inupu isi ha nupuru banyere agbam oru madu ewerela onodu anwu-anwu na akuko makwa abu ndi bi na ikpere miri Georgia, ndi anakpo ndi Gullah.

Ka mmuo Umu Igbo furu Efu soro unu n'akuku n'ije unu, gbanyere unu izu okwu, makwa dube unu na ochucho amam ihe na ako n'uche unu.

Ma'zi Ikwuano kowara onwe ya sin a ya bu "obia na obodo oghotaghi" Dika ndi obia na obodo Canada, ajalum unu ike na nnukwu oghere nke a unu weputara maka umu Igbo iji makorita onwe ha.

Ndi ba anyi si na njiko ka, mmadu ka e ji aba.

Igbo Kwenu!

[Chukwurah nwa Emeagwali bu onye onicha. Ma'zi Emmanuel Chinyeaka Okoli de re nka na asusu Igbo. Udo di ri gi, nwannem.]

 

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AZIZA GBASARA IHE IDERENA INTANET ...

Anwum nwa igbo. Ama ighm ma ibu kwa onye igbo ? Na egbu yioge achor m ka m ken gi maka ihe buru ibu i mere na ala America. Kama acho kwara m ka imara na onye bula chukwu kere eke ma kwa ihe. Otu ndiuwa siri cho i kowa amamuife ahu site kwa na ebe onya ahu si ya na omenala ndi ahu.
Onwere na ata ihe unu ga ekwu ka ata ka nkwere na otu ndi oca si eme ka otu ndi igbo si eme ihe nma.
Ebi gom na obodo oybo aro ise kita.
Nsogbu anyi no nime ya tata ma obu na
Nigeria ma obu na Africa ma obu ndi isi ojii no na America bu ihe ndi ocha kpa acha anya mee. Odi ha nma na anya otu ahu.
O kwa anyi ka odiri ime ka otu ihe di gbanwe. O wu ihe siri ike. Mana nkuzi ri ndi mmadu ya na iji
kota onwe ayi onu ga eyere aka nke ukwuu.
Ekele m gi nke ukwuu.

Emeka Nwagbo
Czech Republic, nnaemeka@terminal.cz



http://emeagwali.com/photos/archive/random/photos-2/philip-emeagwali-ma-mamie-baird-agatha-emeagwali-charles-baird-dale-emeagwali-baltimore-maryland-august-1984.jpg[MSOffice2] 

 


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nwanne mmadu ejim ezigbo oge were na asigi ma jisie ike na olugi nke ukwuu imego ka mba nigeria na mba uwa marakwa umu igbo nwere mmadu nigwagi eziokwu obiuto na egbum ka mmanya chineke ga edobekwagi ogologo ndu kenekwa ijeoma nnwagi na nwunyegi. ka emesia. obu nwa biafra afam bu ndubuisi........

November 8, 2003
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http://emeagwali.com/photos/archive/random/photos-2/dale-emeagwali_prime-ministers-suite-hilton-kingston-hotel-jamaica-march-17-2001.jpg[MSOffice3] 

 

 

 

 

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Daniel Ochonma  

d.ochonma@web.de

Location:

Munich,Germany

3. October 2003

 

Dike eji aga mba k'ibu, obu ihe oma, burukwa ihe anuri na ibu nwafo Igbo.

 

Asim oseburuwa gozie ma nyekwa gi n'ezinulogi ogologo ndu,amamihe n'ahu isike.

Cheta na ndigbo si gidigidi bu ugwu eze.

 

[MSOffice5] 

Daniel Ochonma

P.R.O, Igbo Contact Forum

Munich,Germany 

 

ndewo okachamara filip nwa emegwali! aguo lam nno ihe gbasara gi nke ukwu. amagi ama n'uwa ninie. aha gi n'eje n'abata abata. iwu okacha mara n'computa. ele nu otu aga eji amamihe gia nyere alaigbo aka taa. onodu ebe ahu di njo ugbua. ugwu onye igbo ara aja. ihe anyi choro wu ekwueme. owuru kwanu ma ighola onye ocha hmm ekele dikwara chukwu. ya gazie ra gila ezinulogi.

 

owum onyewuchi nwa obirieze nwafo igbo

 

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Mazi Emeagwali,

dike ka i bu. Great hardwork, dedication along with a high degree of thinking have been yielding wonderfully in Igboland. This is despite the fact that 'ndi-iro gbara anyi gburu-gburu.'

 

Mazi Emeagwali,

your name and wonderful performance continue to pierce spaces in Igboland, in Africa, globally and otherwise. Your achievements are indelible. And forever shall our Rising Sun be expanding its great light.

 

Obum Ekeanyanwu,

biafraland.com, Jan. 6, 2002

 

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Igbo Kwenu!...



I read a lot about you in Nigeria and it's quite an honour having to send an email to a man like you. Keep it up....."IGBO KWENU!"

Andy Ajukwu
aajukwu@primanet.com

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Emmanuel Franklyne Ogbunwezeh  

ogbunwezeh@yahoo.com

frankfurt Germany

17. November 2003

 

Dear Dr.Emeagwali,

 

You are the tallest African in the Pantheons of science. Your roots and ancestry is an august one and I am proud to come from the same roots as you. I bu onye Igbo and I am glad that the world can at least hold its collective breath whenever you yawn, because you command a name which rings a bell in all circles. Those who think that nothing good can come out of our Biafran 'Nazareth' can now bury their thoughts in shame, for a star that is as constant as that that rises from the East has arrived to illumine the world of science. The roll of the creators of worlds would read names like that of Newton and Einstein. But by God, you have joined the rolls of the creators of Universes. Emeagwali as a name will forever grace the lips and circles of all whose stock in trade is greatness. I bu nwa afo anyi. May the sun never set on your shore. You have taken a shot at immortality.

 

Ride on Brother

 

I am a Nigerian of igbo extraction presently working on my Ph.d in Social Ethics at the Wolfgang Goethe Universitat, Frankfurt Germany. My Dissertation topic is : christianity and the Scandal of African Poverty.

 

I am proud of trailblazers like you, who saw the world a palace of bricks and left it an empire of marble. 

 

 

 

emeagwali-family-in-uromi-nigeria-december-1962[MSOffice9] 

 

Ethelbert Akwuruaha  

noblebrite@yahoo.com

Port Harcourt, Nigeria

20. November 2003

 

Dear Emeagwali,

 

You are a role model to us Igbos, Nigerians, Africans, and the Black in Diaspora. As Chinua Achebe would say: You have washed your hands, thus you can now dine with the great minds and celebrities of our time.

 

If Albert Einsten and Isaac Newton were alive today, they would have come to "worship" at your scientific alter for more light and inspiration.

 

I prophesy that one day - very soon, you will be honoured with the Nobel Prize for Physics and for service to humanity.

 

Ride on brother. 

 

You make Nigerians proud & more importantly all marginalised people around the world. A Nobel Prize is simply not enough ... Do consider coming back to Africa more often...imagine how many Emeagwalis can be inspired with just your physical presence. You are truly, sincerely, & beautifully GREAT!!!

 

mathethe sehume,

eastern cape, south africa,

March 15, 2002

 

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MAZI ACHOLONU CHUKWUEMEKA  

emekaacholonu@yahoo.com

PORT HARCOURT

11. October 2003

 

Dear Dr. Philip,

I am very much in awe of your great inventions. I am very proud to be an Igbo man I have this dream that one day I shall be free. Not only me but all the Ibos. I hope you will contribute to getting us freed. The price we have been paying so far is enormous. The burden is becoming unbearable. But as the Igbo adage says, "the darkest part of the night is that closest to day break. Do not forget how Albert Einstein used his talent to secure the Jews a state and a place in both the geography and map of the world. You the Albert Einstein of the Jews called "Ndi Igbo" in Nigeria. Please, we are always on our knees praying that GOD will use you and your connections to free Ndi Igbo.

 

I also do hope that you have a plan to help the deprived Igbo children to grow technology wise. I hope you have a plan to assist the down-trodden Igbo man rediscover his destiny. Ihope you have plan to prevent future Igbo generation from suffering and passin through the same hardship that you passed through in life. You can help us, brother. You have beaten many odds. You can also beat this. Please, do something to help.

 

I will write you again before long.

 

Extend my deepest homely greetings to your beloved family, especially your wife who has stood by you all these years.

 

Thank you, sir.

 

Your in Igbo Spirit,

Emeka. 

 

 

 

 

http://emeagwali.com/photos/archive/random/photos-2/james-dale-ijeoma-emeagwali-district-heights-maryland.jpg

 

Higher than Bill Gates ...

I wish the media would let us know more about you, because you are on a higher level compared to the likes of Bill Gates.

 

NNA, IMELA, more grease to your elbow, between you and your wife, quite impressive!!!! I wish God will give us youths the will power to achieve success like you have.

 

You are not even finished yet, you're still on your mission of conquering the odds. I'll have to tell my father to check out your internet, because he can relate to you, having accomplished so much at such a young age. I know we'll be hearing more about you in the years to come.

 

NNA, I BU NNO ONYE IGBO.

 

Obianuju Nnama
Michigan State University
, onnama@hotmail.com



 

 

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25 Feb 2003
"nick k. ezewuru" <nezewuru@yahoo.com>

congratulation my big brother
 

dear phillip

     

i,m very happy for your effort, and what you have

achieved in computer, i read interview granted to you and in your interview you did not forget igboland. you still show that you’re an igbo man. i,m happy because of you. you have shown the world that igbo man can develop something. I,m not educated. I,m a 30-year-old business man in Onitsha, from Ideato, Imo state. I love to see people who are intelligent. In fact, I love great people.

 

Please may I ask you: are you from what town because t.but in all i will like you to be

my pal. I admire you because you have made me to be proud of what Igboman can achieve. I pray that God will grant you more wisdom to achieve more things. Thanks and remain blessed.

 

From your Igbo brother and fan.

 

Regards

Kaycee.

 

james-and-philip-emeagwali-christmas-day-1996[MSOffice12] 

 

 

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Rediscovering Our
Lost Igbo Brethren


by Chukwurah Emeagwali
at Igbo Cultural Day celebration
at
Calgary, Canada on August 23, 2003.

Ozi nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Emeagwali
degara Ndi Igbo bi na obodo Calgary,
Canada n'oge emume afo ncheta Igbo.

 


Emeagwali

Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O!

I felt honored when Ma'zi Kene Ufondu invited me to say a few words to you.

As part of your celebration, I urge you to reflect and remember the contributions of tens of millions of Diasporan Igbos (ndi bi n'Igbo Uzo, nwanne di na mba) that left Ala Igbo a few centuries ago.

On Igbo Day, I remember Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha alias "Ja Ja," the 12-year-old slave-boy that became King of Opobo (Eze n'Opobu Igbo). Ma'zi Jubogha was summarily tried in a British court and found guilty of "treaty breaking." For "blocking the highways of trade," Ma'zi Jubogha was permanently exiled to Barbados and St. Vincent, West Indies. He is now immortalized in Barbadian folklore and song.

On Igbo Day, I salute Ma'zi Olaudah Equiano, another 12-year-old slave-boy, for proudly writing: "I am Eboe" (Abu m Igbo). I thank Ma'zi Equiano for providing us the earliest written account of the culture and customs of Ndi Igbo. I thank Ma'zi Equiano for chronicling the horrific injustices of slavery.

The following chant mourned the loss of young Olaudah:

Who are we looking for, who are we looking for?
It's Equiano we're looking for.
Has he gone to the stream? Let him come back.
Has he gone to the farm? Let him return.
It's Equiano we're looking for.

Ma'zi Equiano is an ichie, nna-mmuo (revered ancestor, great spirit). Scholars immortalized this nwa'afo Igbo (true son of the soil) with the title: "father of black literature."

On Igbo Day, I invoke the spirits of the ten heroic "Eboe" men, women, and children of Georgia's Sea Islands who jumped off a slave ship and drowned themselves to escape slavery. Sea Islands folklore recalls how ten defiant and courageous "Eboe" slaves, shackled at their ankles and necks, with tears in their eyes, chanted in unison, the eerie refrain:

"The water brought us; the water will take us away."

The act of courage and fierce resistance of the "Eboes" to the condition of bondage is immortalized in the folklore and song of the Gullah people of coastal Georgia.

May the spirits of those "Lost Igbos" walk beside you, whisper to you, and guide you in your quest for knowledge and wisdom.

Ma'zi Equiano described himself as a "stranger in a strange land." As strangers in Canada, I commend you for providing an opportunity for Umu Igbo to know their brothers and sisters. Ndi b'anyi si na njiko ka, mmadu ka e ji aba.

Igbo Kwenu!
[Chukwurah nwa Emeagwali bu onye onicha]

 

 

Emeagwali

Chukwurah Emeagwali dropped out of school at the age of 12, served in the Biafran army at the age of 14 and came to the United States on scholarship in March 1974. Emeagwali won the 1989 Gordon Bell Prize, computation's Nobel Prize, for inventing a formula that lets computers perform their fastest computations, work that led to the reinvention of supercomputers. He has been extolled by Bill Clinton as "one of the great minds of the Information Age," described by CNN as "A Father of the Internet," and is the world's most searched-for scientist on the Internet.

 

 

 

 

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  

 

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Ja Ja of Opobo



Birth: c. 1820
Death: 1891
Nationality: Nigerian
Occupation: politician, nationalist, slave
Source: Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2nd ed. 17 Vols. Gale Research, 1998.

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

JaJa of Opobo (ca. 1820-1891) was a political and military strategist, brought to the Bonny Kingdom as a slave, who was perhaps the most troublesome thorn in the flesh of 19th-century British imperial ambition in southern Nigeria.

The story of Ja Ja recounts a man of servile status hurdling intimidating odds to attain wealth and power, and founding in the latter half of the 19th century the most prosperous city-state in the Delta area of Nigeria. Information regarding his parentage and early childhood, derived from uncertain and speculative oral tradition, is scanty and unsatisfactory. According to informed guesstimates, Ja Ja was born in 1820 or 1821, in the lineage of Umuduruoha of Amaigbo village group in the heartland of Igboland, Southeastern Nigeria. He was sold into slavery in the Niger Delta under circumstances which are far from clear. One version of the oral traditions says that he was sold because, as a baby, he cut the upper teeth first, an abominable phenomenon in traditional Igbo society. Another version claims that he was captured and sold by his father's enemy. Regardless, he was bought by Chief Iganipughuma Allison of Bonny, by far the most powerful city-state on the Atlantic coast of Southeastern Nigeria before the rise of Opobo.

To follow the Ja Ja story or, indeed, revolution, an explanatory note is necessary. Until the end of the 19th century, the Delta communities played a crucial role in European and American trade with Nigeria. Acting as middlemen, these communities carried into the interior markets the trade goods of European and American supercargoes stationed on the coast and brought back in exchange the export produce of the hinterland, basically palm oil. As the Delta is dominated by saline swamps and crisscrossed by a labyrinth of creeks and rivers, the canoe was indispensable for trade.

The Delta society was organized in Canoe Houses. A Canoe House was the pivot of social organization and also, notes K.O. Dike, "a cooperative trading unit and a local government institution." It was usually composed of a wealthy merchant (its founder), his family, and numerous slaves owned by him. A prosperous house could comprise several thousand members, both free and bonded, owning hundreds of trade canoes. In this inte

 

 

nsely competitive society, leadership by merit--not by birth or ascriptions--was necessary if a house was to make headway in the turbulent, cut-throat competition that existed between houses. Any person with the charisma and proven ability, even if of servile birth, could rise to the leadership of a house, but could never become king. Ja Ja would achieve this, and much more.

Finding young Ja Ja too headstrong for his liking, Chief Allison made a gift of him to his friend, Madu, a chief of the Anna Pepple House, one of the two houses of the royal family (the other being the Manilla Pepple House). Ja Ja was slotted into the lowest rung of the Bonny slave society ladder, that of an imported slave, distinct from that of someone who was of slave parentage but born in the Delta.

As a youth, he worked as a paddler on his owner's great trade canoes, traveling to and from the inland markets. Quite early, he demonstrated exceptional abilities and business acumen, quickly identified with the Ijo custom of the Delta, and won the hearts of the local people as well as those of the European supercargoes. It was unusual for a slave of his status to make the transition from canoe paddling to trading, but Ja Ja--through his honesty, business sense, and amiability--soon became prosperous.

For a long while, Ja Ja turned his back on Bonny politics, concentrating his immense energies on accumulating wealth through trade, the single most important criterion to power in the Delta. At the time, Bonny politics were volatile as a result of the irreconcilable and acrimonious contest for supremacy between the Manilla Pepple House and the Anna Pepple House to which Ja Ja belonged. Coincidentally, both houses were led by remarkable characters of Igbo slave origins--Oko Jumbo of the Manilla House and Madu (after him Alali his son) of the Anna House.

Ja Ja Rescues Debt-Ridden House

In 1863, Alali died, bequeathing to his house a frightening debt of between Ł10,000 and Ł15,000 owed to European supercargoes. Fearing bankruptcy, all of the eligible chiefs of the house declined nomination to head it. It was therefore a great relief when Ja Ja accepted to fill the void. With characteristic energy, he proceeded to put his house in order by reorganizing its finances. Conscious that the palm-oil markets in the hinterland and the wealth of the European trading community on the coast constituted the pivot of the Delta economy, he ingratiated himself with both sides. In a matter of two years, he had liquidated the debt left behind by his predecessor and launched his house on the path of prosperity. When less prosperous and insolvent houses sought incorporation into the Anna House, Ja Ja gradually absorbed one house after another.

By 1867, his remarkable success had become common knowledge throughout Bonny. The British consul to the area, Sir Richard Burton, had cause to remark that although Ja Ja was the "son of an unknown bush man," he had become "the most influential man and greatest trader in the [Imo] River." Predicted Burton: "In a short time he will either be shot or he will beat down all his rivals."

Burton's words proved prophetic. Ja Ja's successes incurred the jealousy of opponents who feared that, if left unchecked, his house might incorporate most of the houses in Bonny and thereby dominate its political and economic arena. Oko Jumbo, his bitterest opponent, was determined that such a prospect would never materialize.

Meanwhile, two developments occurred in Bonny, serving to harden existing jealousies. First, in 1864, Christianity was introduced into the city-state, further polarizing the society. While the Manilla House welcomed the Christians with a warm embrace, the Anna House was opposed to the exotic religion. Not surprisingly, the missionaries sided with the Manilla House against the Anna House. Second, in 1865, King William Pepple died and, with this, the contest for the throne between the two royal houses took on a monstrous posture.

Three years later, in 1868, Bonny was ravaged by fire, and the Anna House was the worst hit. In the discomfiture of his opponent, Oko Jumbo saw his opportunity. Knowing that the fire had all but critically crippled Ja Ja's house, he sought every means to provoke an open conflict. On the other side, Ja Ja did everything to avoid such a conflict, but, as Dike states, "Oko Jumbo's eagerness to catch his powerful enemy unprepared prevailed."

On September 13, 1869, heavy fighting erupted between the two royal houses. Outmatched in men and armament, though not in strategy, Ja Ja pulled out of Bonny, accepted defeat, and sued for peace with a suddenness that surprised both his adversaries and the European supercargoes. Peace palaver commenced and dragged on for weeks under the auspices of the British consul. This was exactly what Ja Ja planned for. It soon became doubtful if the victors were not indeed the vanquished.

Ja Ja had sued for peace in order to gain time to retreat from Bonny with his supporters with little or no loss in men and armament. A master strategist, he relocated in the Andoni country away from the seaboard at a strategic point at the mouth of the Imo river, the highway of trade between the coastal communities and the palm-oil rich Kwa Iboe and Igbo country. There, he survived the initial problems of a virgin settlement as well as incessant attacks of his Bonny enemies.

He Proclaims Independent Settlement Of Opobo

In 1870, feeling reasonably secure, Ja Ja proclaimed the independence of his settlement which he named Opobo, after Opubu the Great, the illustrious king of Bonny and founder of Anna House who had died in 1830. As Dike writes:

[I]t is characteristic of the man that he had not only a sense of the occasion but of history. . . . Kingship was impossible of attainment for anyone of slave origins in Bonny. Instead he sought another land where he could give full scope to his boundless energies.

Long before the war of 1869, Ja Ja had been carefully planning to found his own state. The war merely provided him with the occasion to implement his design.

In naming his new territory Opobo, Ja Ja was appealing to the nostalgia and historical consciousness of his followers while giving them the impression that he was truly the heir of the celebrated king. That this impression was widespread and accepted by most Bonny citizens may be judged from the fact that of the 18 houses in Bonny, 14 followed Ja Ja to Opobo.

To no avail, the British consul tried to coerce Ja Ja to come back to Bonny. Against the admonition of the consul, and in the face of Bonny's displeasure, many British firms began to trade openly with Opobo while others transferred their depots there. By May of 1870, the Ja Ja revolution had driven the death-knell on Bonny's economy. British firms anchoring there are said to have lost an estimated Ł100,000 of trade by mid-1870. The city-state fell from grace to grass as Opobo, flourishing on its ashes, became in Ofonagoro's words, "the most important trade center in the Oil Rivers," and Ja Ja became "the greatest African living in the east of modern Nigeria."

For 18 years, Ja Ja ruled his kingdom with firmness and remarkable sagacity. He strengthened his relations with the hinterland palm-oil producers through judicious marriages and blood covenants which bound the parties into ritual kingship. He armed his traders with modern weapons for their own defense and that of the state. He thus monopolized trade with the palm-oil producers and punished severely any community that tried to trade directly with the European supercargoes.

Queen Victoria Awards Ja Ja Sword Of Honor

In 1873, the British recognized him as king of independent Opobo, and Ja Ja reciprocated by sending a contingent of his soldiers to help the British in their war against the Ashanti kingdom in the Gold Coast (now Ghana). Queen Victoria expressed her gratitude in 1875 by awarding him a sword of honor. It seemed a honeymoon had developed between Opobo and Britain.

Ja Ja's reign has been described as a striking instance of selective modernization. He retained most of the sociopolitical and cultural institutions of Bonny, such as the house system, and stuck steadfastly to the religion of his fathers, arguing that Christianity was a serious ferment of societal destabilization. While recognizing the value of Western education and literacy, he objected to its religious component. Thus, he sent his two sons to school in Scotland but insisted they acquire only secular education. He established a secular school in Opobo and employed an African-American, Emma White, to run it. An Englishman who visited Opobo in 1885 stated that the standard of the pupils in the school compared quite favorably with that of English children of the same age.

The honeymoon between Ja Ja and the British turned out to be meteoric: the ultimate ambitions of the two ran at cross-purposes. Ja Ja guarded his independence jealously, had a tight grip on the interior markets and confined British traders to Opobo, away from these markets. He made sure that the traders paid their comeys (customs and trade duties) as and when due.

But in the 1880s, the clouds of British imperialism were closing in menacingly on Opobo, the overthrow of indigenous sovereignties having been initiated by John Beecroft, the first British consul to Nigeria (1849-54). British imperialism had begun to assert itself forcefully; British officials on the spot were increasingly ignoring indigenous authorities, while British traders had begun to insist on trading directly with the hinterland palm-oil producers. Ja Ja tackled these formidable problems judiciously and with restraint.

In July 1884, fearing German intrusion in the Delta, the British consul, Edward Hewett, rushed to the area, foisting treaties of protection on the indigenous sovereignties. With a veiled threat from a man-of-war, Ja Ja too was stampeded into placing his kingdom under British protection. But unlike the other African monarchs, this was not before he had sought explanation for the word "protectorate," and had been assured by the consul that his independence would not be compromised. Hewett wrote to Ja Ja informing him, inter alia (among other things), that:

the queen does not want to take your country or your markets, but at the same time she is anxious that no other nation should take them. She undertakes . . . [to] leave your country still under your government; she has no wish to disturb your rule.

At Ja Ja's insistence, a clause providing for free trade in his kingdom was struck off before he agreed to sign the treaty.

European Powers Sign Treaty Of Berlin

The following year, European powers entered into the Treaty of Berlin which set the stage for the scramble and partition of Africa among themselves, without regard to the wishes of Africans. The treaty provided for free navigation on River Niger and other rivers, such as the Imo, linked to it. On the basis of this, the British consul asserted that British firms were within their rights to trade directly in the interior palm-oil markets. That same year, 1885, Britain proclaimed the Oil Rivers Protectorate, which included Ja Ja's territory. Sending a delegation to the British secretary of states for the colonies to protest these actions by right of the treaty of 1884, Ja Ja's protest fell on deaf ears. A man of his word, he was shocked at Britain reneging on her pledge.

Worse times were yet to come as political problems were compounded by economic dispute. The 1880s witnessed a severe trade depression that ruined some of the European firms trading in the Delta and threatened the survival of others. The surviving firms responded to the situation in two ways. First, they reached an agreement among themselves, though not with complete unanimity, to offer low prices for produce. Second, they claimed the right to go directly to the interior markets in order to sidestep the coastal middlemen and reduce the handling cost of produce.

As would be expected, Ja Ja objected to these maneuvers and proceeded to ship his own produce directly to Europe. The British consul directed the European firms not to pay comey to Ja Ja anymore, arguing that in shipping his produce directly to Europe, he had forfeited his right to receive the payment. Once again, Ja Ja sent a delegation to Britain to protest the consul and the traders' action. Once again, this was to no avail.

Under a threat of naval bombardment, Ja Ja signed an agreement with the British consul in July 1887 to allow free trade in his territory. By now, he knew that Britain's imperial ambition was growing rapidly, and he began transferring his resources further into the Igbo hinterland, his birthplace. But as Elizabeth Isichei points out, "he was confronted with a situation where courage and foresight were ultimately in vain."

British Official Reneges On Promises

Harry Johnston, acting vice-consul, a young hothead anxious to advance his colonial career, imagined that Ja Ja would be a perfect stepping-stone to attain his ambition. Arriving at Opobo on a man-of-war, Johnston invited Ja Ja for a discussion on how to resolve the points of friction between Opobo and the British traders and officials. Suspicious of Johnston's real intentions, Ja Ja initially turned down the invitation but was lured to accept with a promise of safe return after the meeting. Said Johnston:

I hereby assure you that whether you accept or reject my proposals tomorrow, no restrictions will be put on you--you will be free to go as soon as you have heard my message.

But again the British reneged on their pledge: Ja Ja would not return to his kingdom alive. Once on board the warship Goshawk, Johnston confronted him with a deportation order or the complete destruction of Opobo. Nearly 18 years to the day when he pulled out of Bonny, Ja Ja was deported to the Gold Coast, tried, and declared guilty of actions inimical to Britain's interest. Still afraid of his charm and influence on the Gold Coast, even in captivity, Johnston saw to it that he was deported to the West Indies, at St. Vincent Island.

With the exit of Ja Ja, the most formidable obstacle to Britain's imperial ambition in Southeastern Nigeria had been removed. But the circumstances of his removal left a sour taste in certain British mouths. Lord Salisbury, British prime minister, could not help criticizing Johnston, noting that in other places Ja Ja's deportation would be called "kidnapping." Michael Crowder describes the event as "one of the shabbiest incidents in the history of Britain's relations with West Africa." Among the indigenous population, it left a deep and lasting scar of suspicion of Britain's good faith and, for a long time, trade in the area all but ceased.

In exile, Ja Ja is said to have borne himself with kingly dignity. He made repeated appeals to Britain to allow him to return to Opobo. In 1891, his request was granted, belatedly as it turned out: Ja Ja died on the Island of Teneriffe en route to Opobo, the kingdom built with his sweat and devotion. His people gladly paid the cost of repatriating his body and spent a fortune celebrating his royal funeral.

Today, an imposing statue of Ja Ja stands in the center of Opobo with the inscription:

A king in title and in deed. Always just and generous.

 

FURTHER READINGS

  • Burn, Alarn. History of Nigeria. George Allen & Unwin, 1929.
  • Dike, Kenneth O. Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885. Oxford University Press, 1956.
  • Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan, 1976.
  • Ogonagoro, Walter I. Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria, 1881-1929. Nok Publishers, 1979.

 

 

Ja Ja of Opobo



Birth: c. 1820
Death: 1891
Nationality: Nigerian
Occupation: revolutionary, ruler
Source: Historic World Leaders. Gale Research, 1994.

"Several of the Igbos who were brought to the [Niger] Delta as slaves showed an outstanding ability to triumph over circumstances. Of these, the most celebrated and the most outstanding was Ja Ja of Opobo. . . ." Elizabeth Ischei

Political and military strategist, brought to the Bonny Kingdom as a slave, who was perhaps the most troublesome thorn in the flesh of 19th-century British imperial ambition in southern Nigeria.

 

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

The story of Ja Ja recounts a man of servile status hurdling intimidating odds to attain wealth and power, and founding in the latter half of the 19th century the most prosperous city-state in the Delta area of Nigeria. Information regarding his parentage and early childhood, derived from uncertain and speculative oral tradition, is scanty and unsatisfactory. According to informed guesstimates, Ja Ja was born in 1820 or 1821, in the lineage of Umuduruoha of Amaigbo village group in the heartland of Igboland, Southeastern Nigeria. He was sold into slavery in the Niger Delta under circumstances which are far from clear. One version of the oral traditions says that he was sold because, as a baby, he cut the upper teeth first, an abominable phenomenon in traditional Igbo society. Another version claims that he was captured and sold by his father's enemy. Regardless, he was bought by Chief Iganipughuma Allison of Bonny, by far the most powerful city-state on the Atlantic coast of Southeastern Nigeria before the rise of Opobo.

To follow the Ja Ja story or, indeed, revolution, an explanatory note is necessary. Until the end of the 19th century, the Delta communities played a crucial role in European and American trade with Nigeria. Acting as middlemen, these communities carried into the interior markets the trade goods of European and American supercargoes stationed on the coast and brought back in exchange the export produce of the hinterland, basically palm oil. As the Delta is dominated by saline swamps and crisscrossed by a labyrinth of creeks and rivers, the canoe was indispensable for trade.

The Delta society was organized in Canoe Houses. A Canoe House was the pivot of social organization and also, notes K.O. Dike, "a cooperative trading unit and a local government institution." It was usually composed of a wealthy merchant (its founder), his family, and numerous slaves owned by him. A prosperous house could comprise several thousand members, both free and bonded, owning hundreds of trade canoes. In this intensely competitive society, leadership by merit--not by birth or ascriptions--was necessary if a house was to make headway in the turbulent, cut-throat competition that existed between houses. Any person with the charisma and proven ability, even if of servile birth, could rise to the leadership of a house, but could never become king. Ja Ja would achieve this, and much more.

Finding young Ja Ja too headstrong for his liking, Chief Allison made a gift of him to his friend, Madu, a chief of the Anna Pepple House, one of the two houses of the royal family (the other being the Manilla Pepple House). Ja Ja was slotted into the lowest rung of the Bonny slave society ladder, that of an imported slave, distinct from that of someone who was of slave parentage but born in the Delta.

As a youth, he worked as a paddler on his owner's great trade canoes, traveling to and from the inland markets. Quite early, he demonstrated exceptional abilities and business acumen, quickly identified with the Ijo custom of the Delta, and won the hearts of the local people as well as those of the European supercargoes. It was unusual for a slave of his status to make the transition from canoe paddling to trading, but Ja Ja--through his honesty, business sense, and amiability--soon became prosperous.

For a long while, Ja Ja turned his back on Bonny politics, concentrating his immense energies on accumulating wealth through trade, the single most important criterion to power in the Delta. At the time, Bonny politics were volatile as a result of the irreconcilable and acrimonious contest for supremacy between the Manilla Pepple House and the Anna Pepple House to which Ja Ja belonged. Coincidentally, both houses were led by remarkable characters of Igbo slave origins--Oko Jumbo of the Manilla House and Madu (after him Alali his son) of the Anna House.

Ja Ja Rescues Debt-Ridden House

In 1863, Alali died, bequeathing to his house a frightening debt of between Ł10,000 and Ł15,000 owed to European supercargoes. Fearing bankruptcy, all of the eligible chiefs of the house declined nomination to head it. It was therefore a great relief when Ja Ja accepted to fill the void. With characteristic energy, he proceeded to put his house in order by reorganizing its finances. Conscious that the palm-oil markets in the hinterland and the wealth of the European trading community on the coast constituted the pivot of the Delta economy, he ingratiated himself with both sides. In a matter of two years, he had liquidated the debt left behind by his predecessor and launched his house on the path of prosperity. When less prosperous and insolvent houses sought incorporation into the Anna House, Ja Ja gradually absorbed one house after another.

By 1867, his remarkable success had become common knowledge throughout Bonny. The British consul to the area, Sir Richard Burton, had cause to remark that although Ja Ja was the "son of an unknown bush man," he had become "the most influential man and greatest trader in the [Imo] River." Predicted Burton: "In a short time he will either be shot or he will beat down all his rivals."

Burton's words proved prophetic. Ja Ja's successes incurred the jealousy of opponents who feared that, if left unchecked, his house might incorporate most of the houses in Bonny and thereby dominate its political and economic arena. Oko Jumbo, his bitterest opponent, was determined that such a prospect would never materialize.

Meanwhile, two developments occurred in Bonny, serving to harden existing jealousies. First, in 1864, Christianity was introduced into the city-state, further polarizing the society. While the Manilla House welcomed the Christians with a warm embrace, the Anna House was opposed to the exotic religion. Not surprisingly, the missionaries sided with the Manilla House against the Anna House. Second, in 1865, King William Pepple died and, with this, the contest for the throne between the two royal houses took on a monstrous posture.

Three years later, in 1868, Bonny was ravaged by fire, and the Anna House was the worst hit. In the discomfiture of his opponent, Oko Jumbo saw his opportunity. Knowing that the fire had all but critically crippled Ja Ja's house, he sought every means to provoke an open conflict. On the other side, Ja Ja did everything to avoid such a conflict, but, as Dike states, "Oko Jumbo's eagerness to catch his powerful enemy unprepared prevailed."

On September 13, 1869, heavy fighting erupted between the two royal houses. Outmatched in men and armament, though not in strategy, Ja Ja pulled out of Bonny, accepted defeat, and sued for peace with a suddenness that surprised both his adversaries and the European supercargoes. Peace palaver commenced and dragged on for weeks under the auspices of the British consul. This was exactly what Ja Ja planned for. It soon became doubtful if the victors were not indeed the vanquished.

Ja Ja had sued for peace in order to gain time to retreat from Bonny with his supporters with little or no loss in men and armament. A master strategist, he relocated in the Andoni country away from the seaboard at a strategic point at the mouth of the Imo river, the highway of trade between the coastal communities and the palm-oil rich Kwa Iboe and Igbo country. There, he survived the initial problems of a virgin settlement as well as incessant attacks of his Bonny enemies.

He Proclaims Independent Settlement Of Opobo

In 1870, feeling reasonably secure, Ja Ja proclaimed the independence of his settlement which he named Opobo, after Opubu the Great, the illustrious king of Bonny and founder of Anna House who had died in 1830. As Dike writes:

[I]t is characteristic of the man that he had not only a sense of the occasion but of history. . . . Kingship was impossible of attainment for anyone of slave origins in Bonny. Instead he sought another land where he could give full scope to his boundless energies.

Long before the war of 1869, Ja Ja had been carefully planning to found his own state. The war merely provided him with the occasion to implement his design.

In naming his new territory Opobo, Ja Ja was appealing to the nostalgia and historical consciousness of his followers while giving them the impression that he was truly the heir of the celebrated king. That this impression was widespread and accepted by most Bonny citizens may be judged from the fact that of the 18 houses in Bonny, 14 followed Ja Ja to Opobo.

To no avail, the British consul tried to coerce Ja Ja to come back to Bonny. Against the admonition of the consul, and in the face of Bonny's displeasure, many British firms began to trade openly with Opobo while others transferred their depots there. By May of 1870, the Ja Ja revolution had driven the death-knell on Bonny's economy. British firms anchoring there are said to have lost an estimated Ł100,000 of trade by mid-1870. The city-state fell from grace to grass as Opobo, flourishing on its ashes, became in Ofonagoro's words, "the most important trade center in the Oil Rivers," and Ja Ja became "the greatest African living in the east of modern Nigeria."

For 18 years, Ja Ja ruled his kingdom with firmness and remarkable sagacity. He strengthened his relations with the hinterland palm-oil producers through judicious marriages and blood covenants which bound the parties into ritual kingship. He armed his traders with modern weapons for their own defense and that of the state. He thus monopolized trade with the palm-oil producers and punished severely any community that tried to trade directly with the European supercargoes.

Queen Victoria Awards Ja Ja Sword Of Honor

In 1873, the British recognized him as king of independent Opobo, and Ja Ja reciprocated by sending a contingent of his soldiers to help the British in their war against the Ashanti kingdom in the Gold Coast (now Ghana). Queen Victoria expressed her gratitude in 1875 by awarding him a sword of honor. It seemed a honeymoon had developed between Opobo and Britain.

Ja Ja's reign has been described as a striking instance of selective modernization. He retained most of the sociopolitical and cultural institutions of Bonny, such as the house system, and stuck steadfastly to the religion of his fathers, arguing that Christianity was a serious ferment of societal destabilization. While recognizing the value of Western education and literacy, he objected to its religious component. Thus, he sent his two sons to school in Scotland but insisted they acquire only secular education. He established a secular school in Opobo and employed an African-American, Emma White, to run it. An Englishman who visited Opobo in 1885 stated that the standard of the pupils in the school compared quite favorably with that of English children of the same age.

The honeymoon between Ja Ja and the British turned out to be meteoric: the ultimate ambitions of the two ran at cross-purposes. Ja Ja guarded his independence jealously, had a tight grip on the interior markets and confined British traders to Opobo, away from these markets. He made sure that the traders paid their comeys (customs and trade duties) as and when due.

But in the 1880s, the clouds of British imperialism were closing in menacingly on Opobo, the overthrow of indigenous sovereignties having been initiated by John Beecroft, the first British consul to Nigeria (1849-54). British imperialism had begun to assert itself forcefully; British officials on the spot were increasingly ignoring indigenous authorities, while British traders had begun to insist on trading directly with the hinterland palm-oil producers. Ja Ja tackled these formidable problems judiciously and with restraint.

In July 1884, fearing German intrusion in the Delta, the British consul, Edward Hewett, rushed to the area, foisting treaties of protection on the indigenous sovereignties. With a veiled threat from a man-of-war, Ja Ja too was stampeded into placing his kingdom under British protection. But unlike the other African monarchs, this was not before he had sought explanation for the word "protectorate," and had been assured by the consul that his independence would not be compromised. Hewett wrote to Ja Ja informing him, inter alia (among other things), that:

the queen does not want to take your country or your markets, but at the same time she is anxious that no other nation should take them. She undertakes . . . [to] leave your country still under your government; she has no wish to disturb your rule.

At Ja Ja's insistence, a clause providing for free trade in his kingdom was struck off before he agreed to sign the treaty.

European Powers Sign Treaty Of Berlin

The following year, European powers entered into the Treaty of Berlin which set the stage for the scramble and partition of Africa among themselves, without regard to the wishes of Africans. The treaty provided for free navigation on River Niger and other rivers, such as the Imo, linked to it. On the basis of this, the British consul asserted that British firms were within their rights to trade directly in the interior palm-oil markets. That same year, 1885, Britain proclaimed the Oil Rivers Protectorate, which included Ja Ja's territory. Sending a delegation to the British secretary of states for the colonies to protest these actions by right of the treaty of 1884, Ja Ja's protest fell on deaf ears. A man of his word, he was shocked at Britain reneging on her pledge.

Worse times were yet to come as political problems were compounded by economic dispute. The 1880s witnessed a severe trade depression that ruined some of the European firms trading in the Delta and threatened the survival of others. The surviving firms responded to the situation in two ways. First, they reached an agreement among themselves, though not with complete unanimity, to offer low prices for produce. Second, they claimed the right to go directly to the interior markets in order to sidestep the coastal middlemen and reduce the handling cost of produce.

As would be expected, Ja Ja objected to these maneuvers and proceeded to ship his own produce directly to Europe. The British consul directed the European firms not to pay comey to Ja Ja anymore, arguing that in shipping his produce directly to Europe, he had forfeited his right to receive the payment. Once again, Ja Ja sent a delegation to Britain to protest the consul and the traders' action. Once again, this was to no avail.

Under a threat of naval bombardment, Ja Ja signed an agreement with the British consul in July 1887 to allow free trade in his territory. By now, he knew that Britain's imperial ambition was growing rapidly, and he began transferring his resources further into the Igbo hinterland, his birthplace. But as Elizabeth Isichei points out, "he was confronted with a situation where courage and foresight were ultimately in vain."

British Official Reneges On Promises

Harry Johnston, acting vice-consul, a young hothead anxious to advance his colonial career, imagined that Ja Ja would be a perfect stepping-stone to attain his ambition. Arriving at Opobo on a man-of-war, Johnston invited Ja Ja for a discussion on how to resolve the points of friction between Opobo and the British traders and officials. Suspicious of Johnston's real intentions, Ja Ja initially turned down the invitation but was lured to accept with a promise of safe return after the meeting. Said Johnston:

I hereby assure you that whether you accept or reject my proposals tomorrow, no restrictions will be put on you--you will be free to go as soon as you have heard my message.

But again the British reneged on their pledge: Ja Ja would not return to his kingdom alive. Once on board the warship Goshawk, Johnston confronted him with a deportation order or the complete destruction of Opobo. Nearly 18 years to the day when he pulled out of Bonny, Ja Ja was deported to the Gold Coast, tried, and declared guilty of actions inimical to Britain's interest. Still afraid of his charm and influence on the Gold Coast, even in captivity, Johnston saw to it that he was deported to the West Indies, at St. Vincent Island.

With the exit of Ja Ja, the most formidable obstacle to Britain's imperial ambition in Southeastern Nigeria had been removed. But the circumstances of his removal left a sour taste in certain British mouths. Lord Salisbury, British prime minister, could not help criticizing Johnston, noting that in other places Ja Ja's deportation would be called "kidnapping." Michael Crowder describes the event as "one of the shabbiest incidents in the history of Britain's relations with West Africa." Among the indigenous population, it left a deep and lasting scar of suspicion of Britain's good faith and, for a long time, trade in the area all but ceased.

In exile, Ja Ja is said to have borne himself with kingly dignity. He made repeated appeals to Britain to allow him to return to Opobo. In 1891, his request was granted, belatedly as it turned out: Ja Ja died on the Island of Teneriffe en route to Opobo, the kingdom built with his sweat and devotion. His people gladly paid the cost of repatriating his body and spent a fortune celebrating his royal funeral.

Today, an imposing statue of Ja Ja stands in the center of Opobo with the inscription:

A king in title and in deed. Always just and generous.

 

PERSONAL INFORMATION

Name variations: original Igbo name, Mbanaso; named Jubo Jubogha in Bonny (shortened to Jo Jo but popularized in European historical literature as Ja Ja). Born around 1820/1821 in Amaigbo village group in the heart of Igboland; died in exile in 1891 at Teneriffe Island; early childhood and personal family life unknown.

CHRONOLOGY

  • c. 1832 Brought to Bonny as a slave
  • 1863 Elected head of Anna Pepple House
  • 1865 William Pepple, king of Bonny, died; political turmoil escalated
  • 1869 Civil war erupted in Bonny; Ja Ja evacuated Bonny and founded Opobo
  • 1870 Proclaimed Opobo an independent state
  • 1873 Britain recognized Opobo as an independent state
  • 1875 Ja Ja awarded sword of honor by Queen Victoria for service in the British-Ashanti war
  • 1884 Signed a treaty of protection with Britain
  • 1885 Treaty of Berlin--prelude to European scramble for and partition of Africa; Britain proclaimed the Oil Rivers Protectorate, embracing Opobo
  • 1887 British Vice Consul, Harry Johnston, deported Ja Ja to the West Indies
  • 1891 Died at Teneriffe Island

 

FURTHER READINGS

  • Burn, Alarn. History of Nigeria. George Allen & Unwin, 1929.
  • Dike, Kenneth O. Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta, 1830-1885. Oxford University Press, 1956.
  • Isichei, Elizabeth. A History of the Igbo People. Macmillan, 1976.
  • Ogonagoro, Walter I. Trade and Imperialism in Southern Nigeria, 1881-1929. Nok Publishers, 1979.

Olaudah Equiano

Also known as: Gustavus Vassa



Birth: 1745 in
Nigeria
Death: April, 1797 in
London, England
Nationality: Nigerian
Occupation: Writer, Abolitionist
Source: African Biography. 4 vols. U*X*L, 1999.

“The shrieks of the women and the groans of the dying rendered the whole a scene [on the slave ship] of horror almost inconceivable.”

 

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

When Olaudah Equiano (pronounced ek-wee-AHN-o) was 10 or 11 years old, kidnappers came into his Ibo village in what is now eastern Nigeria and took him and his sister captive. Sold into slavery in Africa and then shipped to the West Indies on a slave ship, Equiano never returned to his homeland. As a slave he sailed on ships ferrying goods and slaves between the West Indies and North America and Great Britain. On board ship and through the help of kind acquaintances, Equiano learned to read and write. By the time he was 21 years old, in 1766, he had saved enough money through years of shrewd trading to buy his freedom. As a freed slave he worked on sailing ships for several years and traveled throughout the Mediterranean and even to the Arctic. Eventually, he settled in England and became involved in the antislavery movement.

In 1789 Equiano published a two-volume book, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa the African. It is an account of his life, from his childhood in Africa to being a slave and then a free man. His book was famous in its time, running into 17 editions in Great Britain and the United States and translated into Dutch and German. The autobiography provides unique insight into the experiences of an African as a slave and the problems of a freed slave.

Taken captive

Equiano recalls in his narrative how kidnappers stole him and his sister from their family's village when the elders were out working in the fields. He says they traveled about six or seven months before he reached the coast. Some time during the trip, he and his sister were separated from each other. Equiano went from one master to another on the way to the coast; once a master sold him for cowrie shells (small hard white shells from the Indian Ocean used as money by West Africans). Once he arrived at the coast, British slavers bought him for work on the plantations in the West Indies or Caribbean. Equiano says he was put on board by "those white men with horrible looks, red faces and loose hair.... I asked them if we were not to be eaten by [them]." The following is his description of the conditions aboard the slave ship.

"The stench of the hold while we were on the coast was so intolerably loathsome that it was dangerous to remain there for any time.... The closeness of the place and the heat of the climate, added to the number in the ship, which was so crowded that each had scarcely room to turn himself, almost suffocated us. This produced copious perspirations, so that the air soon became unfit for respiration from a variety of loathsome smells, and brought on a sickness among the slaves, of which many died.... This wretched situation was again aggravated by the galling of the chains, now become insupportable, and the filth of the necessary tubs, into which the children often fell and were almost suffocated. The shrieks of the women and the groans of the dying rendered the whole a scene of horror almost inconceivable."

After several months at sea, the ship landed at Bridgetown, Barbados, where the traders sold the surviving slaves to merchants and sugar planters. No one bought Equiano, probably because he was too young to provide much labor. They put him and other unsaleable slaves on board a boat bound for the colony of Virginia. There he worked on a plantation belonging to a Mr. Campbell, pulling weeds and collecting stones. Not long after, a lieutenant in the Royal Navy, Michael Henry Pascal, bought him from Campbell for between 30 and 40 pounds sterling. Pascal commanded a merchant ship trading between the colonies and England. He bought Equiano as a present for a friend in England. On board ship Pascal gave him the name Gustavus Vassa. (Why Pascal named Equiano Gustavus Vasa is a mystery. Gustavus Vasa [1496-1560] was one of the greatest Swedish kings. Equiano spelled Vasa with a double s.) Luckily for Equiano, a 13-year-old American boy named Richard Baker, only a few years older than he, was on board and the two boys became fast friends. After 13 weeks at sea, the ship landed at Falmouth, England. Equiano remained in England, on the isle of Guernsey, with Richard Baker and a family friend of the captain. In the summer of 1757 Pascal sent for him and for Baker.

Education at sea and in England

In 1754 France and Britain went to war in North America over control of the fur trading posts and land west of the Appalachian Mountains and over fishing rights off the coast of Canada. The British Royal Navy commissioned Pascal as first lieutenant of the HMS Roebuck to fight against France along the Newfoundland coast of Canada. Initially France was successful. But when British General James Wolfe took command of the troops in the New World, the British quickly turned the situation around and conquered all of French Canada. As a slave on board the Roebuck, Equiano was present at the siege of Louisbourg in Nova Scotia in 1758.

When they returned to England, Equiano lived with some friends of Pascal's, the two Guerin sisters. They sent him to school, where he had an opportunity to learn to read and write. They also arranged for his baptism in St. Margaret's Church, Westminster, in 1759.

Later that year, Pascal set sail again, this time aboard the Namur for the Mediterranean. While the Namur was taking on supplies at Gibraltar, the French fleet attacked them. The British eventually repelled them but Pascal suffered some injuries. When he recovered, he was given command of a fire ship called the Aetna. Equiano became his steward, a position he says he enjoyed because he had free time to improve on his reading and writing skills.

Cheated of his freedom

Toward the end of 1761 the ship returned to England, to Deptford on the Thames. Although Equiano says he had no specific promise from the captain that he would be given his freedom when they returned to England, he certainly expected it. Instead, the captain forced Equiano onto a barge and later onto a ship sailing for the West Indies. Equiano believed that Pascal had cheated him of his freedom because, he claimed, the law in England held that a baptized man could not be sold. Equiano also accused Pascal of keeping his prize money--his share in the value of the ships captured and their cargoes. Equiano's protests were useless and he soon found himself at sea again, headed for the West Indies.

Under instruction from Pascal, the captain sold Equiano when they got to Montserrat in February 1763 to a Quaker merchant, Robert King. King had a reputation as a kind and charitable man and while working for King, Equiano did a little trading of his own. He would make a small profit by buying an item in the Indies and reselling it for a small profit in North America. Likewise he would purchase something in North America and then sell it in the Indies for a small profit. In this way he earned enough money eventually to buy his freedom from King, who reluctantly agreed to accept 40 pounds sterling and grant Equiano his freedom in 1766.

Equiano soon found, however, that the life of a freed man in the islands was fraught with danger. Blacks had no protection under the law and might easily be kidnapped and taken away on a ship as a slave. To protect himself, Equiano signed on as a sailor for 36 shillings a month on a ship going to England. He learned about sailing on his many voyages between North America and the islands.

Life as a freed slave

Equiano continued as a sailor for several more voyages. Once he had to command the ship himself as the captain and first mate took ill. The captain died on board the ship and Equiano successfully sailed the sloop safely into harbor. He also survived a shipwreck in the Bahamas caused by a self-assured captain who steered an incorrect course.

In 1766 Equiano went to London where he worked for a short time as a hair dresser, a skill he had learned aboard ship. Unable to make ends meet in London, in 1768 he signed up again as a sailor on a ship going to Turkey. He spent several more years sailing in the Mediterranean and made several more trips to the West Indies. In the early 1770s he returned to England and worked for Dr Irving, whose business was purifying salt water into potable or drinkable water. Equiano acted as his assistant, purifying between 26 and 40 gallons a day. When a Captain Phipps asked Equiano to accompany him on an expedition to the Arctic, Irving asked to join Equiano on the trip. Equiano says that in their four-month voyage they explored farther north than any navigation team had done before.

Not long after their return to London, Dr. Irving bought a 150-ton sloop (sailing boat) that he planned to sail to Jamaica to establish a plantation there. In 1775 Equiano accompanied him on this venture. After several months with the doctor along the coast of Nicaragua and Honduras, Equiano left and returned to Jamaica. He planned to go back to England, but in several instances of bad judgement, he put his trust in people who duped, cheated, and enslaved him. Finally, in January 1777, he returned to England.

Joins the antislavery crusade

The final phase of Equiano's life was much more predictable and serene than the years leading up to it. He became involved in the antislavery movement and began work on his autobiography. Because of his activities in the abolitionist movement, the naval authorities in England appointed him Commissary for Provisions and Stores for the Black Poor going to Sierra Leone. In 1787 British abolitionists, humanitarians and church groups had established a community for freed slaves in Sierra Leone, a small British colony on the West Coast of Africa. The Sierra Leone Company started as an experimental colony with 411 freed slaves repatriated from Britain. Its goals were to "introduce civilisation among the natives and to cultivate the soil by means of free labour."

Equiano never made the trip back to Africa. He quarrelled constantly with the agent and wrote a public letter to the newspaper accusing the promoters of the expedition of corruption and deception. In retaliation the agent accused him of insubordination (disobedience to authority) and insolent behavior toward his superiors. The Navy dismissed Equiano from his post and the expedition went ahead, although slightly delayed.

After his dismissal from the expedition, Equiano completed his book. When it was published in 1789 he traveled throughout England promoting it and making speeches against the slave trade. In 1792 , at the age of 47, he married Susan (or Susanna) Cullen. Historians disagree as to whether he had a son or a daughter. It seems fairly certain, however, that he and his wife had a daughter who died while a young child. Equiano died only four months after his daughter, in late April or early May 1797. Although Equiano did not live to see the abolition of slavery, his narrative made the public aware of the horrors of the trade.

 

FURTHER READINGS

  • Equiano's Travels: His Autobiography: The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano or Gustavus Vassa the African Life. Paul Edwards, editor. London: Heinemann, 1967.
  • Jones, G. I. "Olaudah Equiano of the Niger Ibo," Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade. Philip D. Curtin, ed. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1977.

 



A copy of Equiano's marriage certificate. On the 7th of April 1792, Olaudah Equiano (Gustavus Vassa) married Susannah Cullen at St Andrew's Church, Soham.

Olaudah Equiano

Also known as: Gustavus Vassa



Birth: 1745 in Essaka,
Benin Province, Nigeria
Death: c. 1801 in
London, England
Nationality: African
Occupation: slave, author
Source: Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2nd ed. 17 Vols. Gale Research, 1998.

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

Olaudah Equiano (1745-ca. 1801) was an African slave, freedman, and author who wrote the first outstanding autobiography in slave narrative literature.

Olaudah Equiano was born at Essaka, an Ibo village (not now known) in the Benin Province of present-day Nigeria. At age 11 he was kidnaped into domestic slavery. After short service in African households he was sold to British slavers in 1756 and sent to Barbados in the West Indies. Transshipped immediately to Virginia, Olaudah, who said his African name meant "vicissitude" or "fortune," became the personal slave of Lt. Michael Henry Pascal of the Royal Navy, who gave him his second name, Gustavus Vassa.

Thus spared the fate of plantation laborer, Equiano spent the next 30 years as servant, barber, seaman, and trader, traveling widely to such varied places as Turkey, the Arctic, Honduras, North America, and London. In the process he became a literate and articulate observer of the slave trade, slavery, and his own condition.

After service in the Seven Years War, including the siege of Louisburg on Cape Breton Island and the capture of Belle Isle, Lt. Pascal surprisingly disappointed Equiano's expectation of freedom and sent him back to the West Indies for resale in 1763. Equiano's new master, a Quaker merchant of Montserrat and Philadelphia named Robert King, gave him both recognition for his abilities and the opportunity for manumission. Employed as a clerk and captain's assistant on vessels trading in the islands and carrying slaves to the American colonies, Equiano was allowed to trade on his own account and bought his freedom in 1766 for Ł40, the price King had paid for him. Equiano went to London, where he qualified as a barber and musician and improved his education before taking to the sea again as a free servant in 1768.

Equiano had been baptized as a youth in 1759, but Christian religion did not deeply influence his life until during or just after participating in an Arctic expedition in search of the Northeast Passage in 1773 which nearly ended in disaster. At that time he experienced profound depression and soul-searching that resulted in his conversion to Evangelicalism in 1774. Living in London again after 1777, he petitioned the bishop of London to ordain him a missionary for service in Africa, but he failed.

Subsequently Equiano rose to prominence in London's society of free blacks, became a close friend of Ottobah Cugoano, and associated with the British humanitarians opposed to the Atlantic slave trade. In 1783, for example, he brought the famous case of the ship Zong to Granville Sharp's attention. Sharp made it a cause célčbre in the parliamentary battle for abolition. One hundred thirty-two sick and shackled slaves had been thrown overboard alive and then claimed for cargo insurance. In this connection also, late in 1786 Equiano was appointed by Charles Middleton, the comptroller of the navy, to be commissary steward of Granville Sharp's subsidized expedition to repatriate London's "Poor Blacks" in Sierra Leone. However, the scheme was beset with delays and mismanagement, and in a letter which his friend Cugoano published in London before their departure, Equiano charged his superior, Joseph Irwin, with theft of stores and ill treatment of the blacks. Middleton supported Equiano, but Irwin and several colleagues, acting through London businessmen interested in the venture, engineered his dismissal by Treasury authorities.

Equiano's famous autobiography The Interesting Narrative of the Life of O. Equiano, or G. Vassa, the African was then written in 1787-1788 partly to vindicate his role in the Sierra Leone affair, as well as to recount his exemplary rise from slavery to freedom and to argue the case for abolition of the slave trade. Although one critic (G. I. Jones, 1967) has doubted Equiano's sole authorship because of its stylistic felicities, there is little doubt that the work was essentially his own. Unlike Ottobah Cugoano's sophisticated Bible-based discourse, Equiano's is an account of action in which the realities and iniquities of slavery and the trade emerge eloquently in the telling of his own story. Besides its importance as "the first truly notable book in the genre" of slave narratives (Arna Bontemps, 1969) and its value as one of the few genuine personal recollections of the slave trade as seen by the victims themselves (Philip Curtin, 1967), Equiano's account is especially interesting in two respects: first, for its extensive recollections of the author's African childhood and his retention of an African point of view in judging experience and, second, for its rational economic argument against the slave trade. Not only did he argue the moral transgressions of the trade but also its economic insanity. On the basis of demographic projections he urged the potential of legitimate commerce for British manufactures in Africa as an economic alternative to the trade in lives. This was a view shared with Cugoano's book, and it figured prominently in the ideological preparation for abolition.

Despite his sense of mission, Equiano was destined never to return to Africa. He lectured extensively in Britain against the slave trade during the 1790s and married an English girl, Susan (or Susanne) Cullen of Ely, in April 1792. He is believed to have died in London in 1801.

 

FURTHER READINGS

  • Equiano's own The Interesting Narrative of the Life of O. Equiano, or G. Vassa, the African was first published in two volumes in London, 1789, with eight new editions to 1795 and several more thereafter. Recently it has appeared in an abridged edition by Paul Edwards, Equiano's Travels: His Autobiography (1967), and in full in Arna Bontemps, ed., Great Slave Narratives (1969), with a useful literary introduction by the editor.
  • Equiano's place in the intellectual history of the slave trade, and African-European relations generally, is discussed in Philip Curtin's introduction to his collection, Africa Remembered: Narratives by West Africans from the Era of the Slave Trade (1967), which contains Equiano's description of his African homeland with commentary by G. I. Jones. Robert W. July, The Origins of Modern African Thought: Its Development in Western Africa during the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (1967), also discusses Equiano's career and the importance of his book. Christopher Fyfe, A History of Sierra Leone (1962; rev. ed. 1963), narrates Equiano's involvement in the Sierra Leone settlement scheme, while Christopher Fyfe, ed., Sierra Leone Inheritance (1964), uses a letter of Equiano to Lord Hawkesbury in 1788 to exemplify the economic argument against the slave trade.

 



Slave legend draws people for two-day remembrance in coastal Georgia

The Associated Press
September 2, 2002


ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. -- In May 1803, 10 Nigerians captured and sent to work on coastal Georgia plantations chose to drown themselves in Dunbar Creek rather than live as slaves.

It is a legend known well by many islanders, keeping some from fishing or crabbing in the creek, fearing that the men continue to haunt the place.

Over the weekend, about 75 people from as far as
Nigeria visited the creek to designate the area as holy ground and to give the freed slaves peace.

"They were souls forced here to die without a proper burial. It's a step toward creating rest for us and our ancestors," said Adonijah O. Ogbonnaya, who lives in
Illinois.

The drowned slaves were from the southeast Nigerian tribe called Igbo or Ibo, which claims 40 million members worldwide.

The event, organized by the St. Simons African-American Heritage Coalition, included lessons on Igbo history and customs Friday and a Saturday procession to the drowning site.

Coastal
Georgia schools have recently begun incorporating mention of the event in history classes. There is no historical marker at the site, which is next to a sewage treatment plant built in the 1940s.

The source most often quoted by locals on the subject is a 1989 book by H.A. Sieber. It has accounts of the drowning as told by the survivors' descendants.

"It's an oral tale that's been told down -- not written. But it did happen," said Pat Morris, executive director of the Coastal
Georgia Historical Society. "It's one of those things that we're always learning more about to tell the complete story. History isn't static."

According to Sieber's book, as the men marched to their death, they sang in their native tongue: "The water brought us; the water will take us away." Some claim that around
midnight the stillness of the creek is disturbed by the clanging of chains and the men's cries.

The men's spirits have remained restless for 199 years because they never received a proper burial, said Chukwuemeka Onyesoh, who traveled from
Nigeria to help give them one.

"I came here to evoke their spirits to take them back to Igboland," he said.

Others traveled to the island from
Haiti, Belize, New York, Chicago, Atlanta, Mississippi and Canada to remember the incident. Similar Igbo drownings occurred in Belize and Haiti.

The drowned men were among about 75 Igbo, including women and children, forced to leave
Nigeria on ships bound for coastal Georgia, home to profitable cotton plantations. Descendants of the survivors settled in the island's Harrington community.

Dorothy Forbes, 81, and her husband have tried to preserve the historical site, leaving intact a rickety plank bridge that leads to the creek. They welcomed the tribesmen and historians this weekend and routinely welcome pilgrims to the site.

This weekend, elder tribesmen danced, sang and prayed in her yard under towering oaks and moss-laced cypress.

"That's where they jumped ship," Forbes said while staring from her back yard. "It's hallowed ground."



---------------------------------

Researcher has new version of legend

Mon, Aug 18, 2003

By JACQUELINE BERLIN

The Brunswick News

A North Carolina researcher is challenging the 200-year-old story of Ibo Landing on St. Simons Island.

Hal Sieber, commentary editor of Carolina Peacemaker, said his research convinces him that Africans brought to the island to be sold as slaves drowned, but not the way local legend says they did.

The legend goes that all of the slaves from Igbo Land, a village democracy in West Africa, jumped overboard upon sight of St. Simons Island, preferring death to slavery, May 1803. Igbo is the African spelling of the Ibo tribe.

The incident has been recorded in numerous books about the island and told to tourists and schoolchildren.

But that version is inaccurate, Sieber said.

The corrected version goes like this, Sieber said: The Igbo were being brought to Thomas Spalding of Sapelo Island and John Couper of St. Simons Island, who paid $100 for each slave. When an overseer opened the hatches as the schooner York reached the bluff of Dunbar Creek off Frederica River, the 75 Igbo on board, all males, rose at once in a revolt, Sieber said. In the confusion, three white men jumped overboard and drowned.

When the Igbo reached land, they went on what Sieber calls the first freedom march in this country. They walked into the marsh, where 10 to 12 drowned, according to a letter describing the event written by William Mein, a slave dealer from Mein, Mackay and Co. of Savannah.

The rest were salvaged by bounty hunters who received $10 a head from Spalding and Couper.

Sieber said he also heard the story from elderly descendants of the survivors of the Igbo mutiny when he visited St. Simons Island 15 years ago.

Those agreeing with his version include the St. Simons African American Heritage Coalition, which hosted Sieber this weekend at the Sea Island Festival, and the Coastal Georgia Historical Society.

"(Sieber) has made it his life work to prove or disprove the story of Ibo Landing," said Joan Shinnick, curator of St. Simons Lighthouse Museum, run by Coastal Georgia Historical Society.

"The story is true. I think what differs a little bit from general legend is not all the slaves committed suicide."

She added that tourist brochures will have to be rewritten.

Ms. Shinnick said the historical society has a record of the bounty hunters getting paid for rounding up the remaining Igbo.

"They had kept the tradition alive with singing songs and retelling the story," Ms. Shinnick said. "[Sieber] was able to talk to these people and they told the same story the same way over and over. It came from enough people that he really believed what he was hearing is the truth. He went into old historic documents that corroborated story."

Some researchers believe the reason the Igbo rushed into the marsh was because of a rumor that white people were cannibals and they were scared for their lives, Sieber said.

Others call it an accidental drowning. There had been a storm that day and the incoming tide may have taken them by surprise.

To Sieber, it was suicide brought on by desperate circumstances.

"I think they were thinking they'd be dead in a few minutes, but death was better than slavery," he said.


---------------------------

 

Call is to mark site

Thu, Aug 21, 2003

By JACQUELINE BERLIN

The Brunswick News

Growing up in Brunswick in the 1960s, Anita Collins never heard the tale of Africans who drowned in Georgia in 1803 rather than accept a life of slavery.

It was while she was in college in Atlanta that she first heard of Ibo Landing. Even so it was more than a decade later, in 1989, that someone pointed out to her that the incident occurred on St. Simons Island.

If Hal Sieber has his way, there will be less chance of a black-history buff who lives in Glynn County not being familiar with Ibo Landing or the whereabouts of the site, which is on Dunbar Creek.

Two hundred years after the drownings, the North Carolina researcher and editor is calling for a monument or sculpture to mark Ibo Landing, which is also spelled Igbo Landing or Ebo Landing.

There, 10 to 12 Africans drowned after revolting on the schooner York that was carrying them from a slave-holding camp on Skiddaway Island to plantations on St. Simons and Sapelo islands.

"It's the Plymouth Rock for African Americans," Sieber said.

Sieber said there should be a monument or at least a marker on the site where slaves entered the water in what he calls the first freedom march in this country.

He would like to see a sculpture – part on land and part in the water – mark the spot where the Ibo entered the water singing what Sieber believes included the words: "The water spirit brought; the water spirit will take us home."

"They believed they would go back to Ibo the same way we believe when you die you go to heaven," he said. "They knew they would die going into the water."

Ten to 12 of the Africans died according to a letter written by a slave trader that year. The rest were rounded up by bounty hunters and returned to their original purchasers, according to records kept by the Coastal Georgia Historical Society.

Ms. Collins, who attended a lecture given by Sieber in Brunswick last Friday, said she is gratified to hear someone call for something to make it clear where the historic event happened.

"There should be a marker there. If we can have a marker for Lovers' Oak and Sydney Lanier, there needs to be a marker for Ibo Landing," she said.

That may not be easy to do, however. The pointed land, with the Frederica River on one side and Dunbar Creek on the other, where the Igbo entered the water is owned by Dorothy Forbes. She has been honored by the St. Simons African American Heritage Society for accepting history tourists who visit the property.

However, Darlin Thrower, speaking for her elderly mother, said the family would not want a marker or monument at the site.

"We live here," she said.

--------------------------------

 

LEST WE FORGET

Onye igbo, you are the keeper of Igbo culture. Reading these books will help expand your mind.

James Africanus Beale Horton, West African Countries and Peoples and A Vindication of the African Race, London: W. J. Johnson, 1868, 59.

James Africanus Beale Horton,, Physical and Medical Climate and Meteorology of the West Coast of Africa (J. Churchill, London, 1867)

James Africanus Beale Horton, Letters on the Political Condition of the Gold Coast, (W.J. Johnson, London, 1870)

Edward Wilmot Blyden, The Vindication of the Negro Race [1857]

Edward Wilmot Blyden, Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race (W.B. Whittingham, London, 1887)

Edward Wilmot Blyden, The African Problem, and other discourses: delivered in America in 1890, London: W.B. Whittingham, 1890

Edward Wilmot Blyden, The origin and purposes of African colonization, being the annual discourse delivered at the 66th anniversary of the American Colonization Soc., (Colonization Building, Washington, 1892)

Edward Wilmot Blyden , The Jewish Question (1898)

Edward Wilmot Blyden, African Life and Customs (C.M. Phillips, London, 1908)

Edward L. Cox, Rekindling the Ancestral Memory: King Ja Ja of Opobo in St. Vincent and Barbados, 1888-1891 (Barbados, 1998).

Ebiegberi Joe Alagoa, Jaja of Opobo: The Slave Who Became a King

Sylvanus John Sodienye Cookey, King Jaja of the Niger Delta: his life and times, 1821-1891

Karen Kennerly, The Slave Who Bought His Freedom: Equiano's Story

Rick Andrew, Equiano : the slave who fought to be free

Jean-Jacques Vayssieres, Amazing Adventures of Equiano

John R. Milsome, Olaudah Equiano: The Slave Who Helped to End the Slave Trade

Elizabeth Isichei, The Igbo Roots of Olaudah Equiano, Journal of African History 33.1 (Jan 1992): 164(2).

Catherine Obianuju Acholonu, The Igbo roots of Olaudah Equiano: an anthropological research

Catherine Obianuju Acholonu, The Home of Olaudah Equiano -- A Linguistic and Anthropological Search, The Journal of Commonwealth Literature. 22 (1987).

Igwebuike Romeo Okeke, The Osu concept in Igboland: a study of the types of slavery in Igbo-speaking areas of Nigeria

Jude C. Mgbobukwa, Alusi, Osu, and Ohu in Igbo religion and social life

Alex Haley, Roots

Marquetta L.Goodwine, The Legacy of Ibo Landing: Gullah Roots of African American Culture

Julie Dash, Daughters of the Dust (a compelling novel on Gullah women)


QUIZ: The Lost Igbos

Do you consider yourself nwa afor Igbo? If yes, the following quiz will determine your knowledge of Ndi Igbo.

1.    When did Ndi Igbo emigrate to their present location in Nigeria? Where did the Igbos emigrate? What is the relationship between Ndi Igbo and the Bantus?

2.  Which is the darkest holocaust of Ndi Igbo? The Atlantic slave trade or Biafra? Did we learn anything from the slave trade and/or Biafra?

3.  How many Ndi Igbo were stolen during the slave trade era? How many were converted to osu and oru caste?

4.  Which small Central American nation has a place named "Eboe quarters"?

5.  Can you name the Caribbean "Eboe King" (Eze Igbo) that was executed for initiating his Island's first slave uprising?

6.  What is the meaning of the Haitian saying: “Ibos pend cor a yo”? (i.e. Igbos hang themselves)

7.  Can you name the ancestral village of Olaudah Equiano?

8.  What percentage of the slaves in the New World (North, Central and Latin Americas) could appropriately respond to the exclamation "Igbo Kwenu?"

9.  What is the full name of Dr. Baikie or the first white man to travel into Igbo heartland? The Igbo expressions Ala Bekee, Ndi Bekee translates to "land of Baikie, white people."

10.                    Who is James Africanus Horton? Why is he called the father of Igbo self-determination?

11.                      Why is Edward Wilmot Blyden called the "father of West African nationalism? Where did he refer to himself as "a true son of the Eboe tribe"?

12.                    What document contains the first recorded misspelling of "Igbo?" Hint: Igbo was previously misspelled as "Heebo," "Eboe," "Ebo," and "Ibo." Is the Igbo language endangered?

Email us your answers and suggestions.

 

Edward Wilmot Blyden



Birth:
August 3, 1832 in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands
Death:
February 7, 1912 in Freetown, Sierra Leone
Nationality: Liberian
Occupation: statesman, educator
Source: Encyclopedia of World Biography, 2nd ed. 17 Vols. Gale Research, 1998.

BIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY

Edward Wilmot Blyden (1832-1912) was a Liberian educator and statesman. More than any other figure, he laid the foundation of West African nationalism and of pan-Africanism.

Edward Blyden was born in St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, on Aug. 3, 1832, of free, literate parents. A precocious youth, he early decided to become a clergyman. He went to the United States in May 1850 and sought to enter a theological college but was turned down because of his race. In January 1851 he emigrated to Liberia, a African American colony which had become independent as a republic in 1847.

He continued his formal education at Alexander High School, Monrovia, whose principal he was appointed in 1858. In 1862 he was appointed professor of classics at the newly opened Liberia College, a position he held until 1871. Although Blyden was self-taught beyond high school, he became an able and versatile linguist, classicist, theologian, historian, and sociologist. From 1864 to 1866, in addition to his professorial duties, Blyden acted as secretary of state of Liberia.

From 1871 to 1873 Blyden lived in Freetown, Sierra Leone. There he edited Negro, the first explicitly pan-African journal in West Africa. He also led two important expeditions to Fouta Djallon in the interior. Between 1874 and 1885 Blyden was again based in Liberia, holding various high academic and governmental offices. In 1885 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the Liberian presidency.

After 1885 Blyden divided his time between Liberia and the British colonies of Sierra Leone and Lagos. He served Liberia again in the capacities of ambassador to Britain and France and as a professor and later president of Liberia College. In 1891 and 1894 he spent several months in Lagos and worked there in 1896-1897 as government agent for native affairs.

While in Lagos he wrote regularly for the Lagos Weekly Record, one of the earliest propagators of Nigerian and West African nationalism. In Freetown, Blyden helped to edit the Sierra Leone News, which he had assisted in founding in 1884 "to serve the interest of West Africa ... and the race generally." He also had helped found and edit the Freetown West African Reporter (1874-1882), whose declared aim was to forge a bond of unity among English-speaking West Africans. Between 1901 and 1906 Blyden was director of Moslem education; he taught English and "Western subjects" to Moslem youths with the object of building a bridge of communication between the Moslem and Christian communities. He died in Freetown on Feb. 7, 1912.

Writings, Ideas, and Hopes

Although Blyden held many important positions, it is more as a man of ideas than as a man of action that he is historically significant. He saw himself as a champion and defender of his race and in this role produced more than two dozen pamphlets and books, the most important of which are A Voice from Bleeding Africa (1856); Liberia's Offering (1862); The Negro in Ancient History (1869); The West African University (1872); From West Africa to Palestine (1873); Christianity, Islam and the Negro Race (1887), his major work; The Jewish Question (1898); West Africa before Europe (1905); and Africa Life and Customs (1908). His writings displayed conversancy with the main current of ideas as well as originality, and he was often controversial.

Blyden sought to prove that Africa and Africans have a worthy history and culture. He rejected the prevailing notion of the inferiority of the black man but accepted the view that each major race has a special contribution to make to world civilization. He argued that Christianity has had a demoralizing effect on blacks, while Islam has had a unifying and elevating influence.

Blyden's political goals were the establishment of a major modern West African state which would protect and promote the interests of peoples of African descent everywhere. He initially saw Liberia as the nucleus of such a state and sought to extend its influence and jurisdiction by encouraging selective "repatriation" from the Americas. He hoped, also in vain, that Liberia and adjacent Sierra Leone would unite as one nation. He was ambivalent about the establishment of European colonial rule; he thought that it would eventually result in modern independent nations in tropical Africa but was concerned about its damaging psychological impact. As a cultural nationalist, he pointed out that modernization was not incompatible with respect for African customs and institutions. He favored African names and dress and championed the establishment of educational and cultural institutions specifically designed to meet African needs and circumstances.

 

FURTHER READINGS

  • A full-length biography of Blyden is Hollis R. Lynch, Edward Wilmot Blyden: Pan-Negro Patriot, 1832-1912 (1967). Edith Holden, Blyden of Liberia: An Account of the Life and Labors of Edward Wilmot Blyden (1966), is an important source containing biographical details and excerpts from Blyden's letters and published writings. See also Hollis R. Lynch, ed., Black Spokesman: Selected Published Writings of Edward Wilmot Blyden (1971), the only representative anthology of his writings.

 

edward wilmot blyden saint thomas liberia west africa pan africanism