After God is Dibia
Igbo Lectures
& Poems
By Friends of Emeagwali
Ichoputaghari Ihe Banyere Umu Igbo Furu Efu
Ozi Nkwado Ndi Igbo nke Ma'zi Chukwurah Filip Emeagwali degara Igbo Cultural
Association of Calgary,
Ndi b'anyi ndeewo nu O!
Obi bu m so an~uli oge Ma'zi Kene Ufondu kpokurum ka m bia
buru onye obia puru iche na emume ncheta Ndi Igbo 2003 na
Iji kwado emume unu, ana m akpoku nwa Igbo obula ka ochee
echichi ma lotakwa ihe iriba ama puru iche Umu Igbo gara mba imilikiti afo gara
aga megasiri ikwado oganiru madu.
Ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were lota Ma'zi Jubo Jubogha nke
ana etu "Ja Ja," onye nke atoro na oru nafo iri na abua ma gbagide
mbo we buru Eze Igbo n'Opobo. Ndi ulo ikpe
Iji kwanyere ya ugwu ruru ya, ndi mba
Ozo, ewerem ubochi Icheta Igbo were kene Ma'zi Olaudah
Equiano, nwata ozo dikwa afo iri na abua erepulu n'oru onye nke jiri aka ya
dere si: "Abu m Igbo". Ewerem ukpa ekene bunye Ma'zi Equiano onye nke
mere ka anyi nwee akuko edere
Abu na esota bu abu nke ejiri were kwaa obere nwa anyi
Olaudah furu efu:
"Obu Onye ka anyi na acho? Obu
Onye ka anyi na acho?
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho.
Obu iyi ka ochulu? Biko nya nata.
Obu ugbo ka ojelu? Biko nya nata.
Ikwuano ka anyi na acho."
Ma'zi Ikwuano bu ichie, burukwa
nna-mmuo. Ndi ogu akwukwo dum, iji bobe ya ndu anwu anwu, nyere ya aha otutu:
"Nna akuko banyere ndi ojii."
Ewerem ubochi Ncheta Igbo were kponite mmuo Umu Igbo
nwoke, nwanyi na umuaka ndi Georgia's Sea Islands ndi nke miri rigbadoo oge ha
siri na ugbo oru manye na miri iji gbanari agbam oru. Akuko ndi anakpo n'oyibo
ndi
"Oshimiri butel'anyi, Oshimiri g'ebu anyi laa"
Omume dike nke Umu Igbo, makwa inupu isi ha nupuru banyere
agbam oru madu ewerela onodu anwu-anwu na akuko makwa abu ndi bi na ikpere miri
Ka mmuo Umu Igbo furu Efu soro unu n'akuku n'ije unu,
gbanyere unu izu okwu, makwa dube unu na ochucho amam ihe na ako n'uche unu.
Ma'zi Ikwuano kowara onwe ya sin a ya bu "obia na
obodo oghotaghi" Dika ndi obia na obodo
Ndi ba anyi si na njiko ka, mmadu ka e ji aba.
Igbo Kwenu!
[Chukwurah nwa Emeagwali bu onye onicha. Ma'zi Emmanuel Chinyeaka Okoli
de re nka na asusu Igbo. Udo di ri gi, nwannem.]
IGBO
By OBU
UDEOZO[MSOffice2],
the earth
vanished into a pin-hole;
I am soaked with songs...
My ancestry’s
sharp beauty baptized me
at the forest’s nipple
-
a pilgrim of delicious peace.
Igbo
space-shuttle
and speech
your
civilisation flowers
in
every face of earth
yet your offspring
hide in the toilets
of foreign tongues
your offspring
bury your sharp beauty
with the inferiority of mad English.
mystic damsel
I shiver
in your tabernacle’s splendour
beyond Bill Gates and microchips,
you fathered supercomputer’s Emeagwali
- a vapour in the ocean
of your maltreated genius.
mystery’s powdered face
succumbs to insight
we must rescue
our lone baby from oblivion’s fire
we must re-plant
our fingerprint
against the monologue of English,
resurrection
awaits those
who drink from our roots
not our suicidal love of foreign
gods.
-
by Obu Udeozo.[MSOffice3]
THE 2001 AHỊAJỌKỤ LECTURE
IGBO OR IGBOID:
ASỤSỤ N’AGBỤRỤ NDỊ IGBO
LANGUAGE IN IGBO CIVILIZATION
by
Prof. Emmanuel Nwanolue Emenanjo
B.A. (Hons.) English, Ibadan; Post-graduate Diploma Linguistics: (Ibadan)
M.A. (Linguistics) Ibadan; Ph.D (Linguistics)
Ibadan
EKELE
Igbo mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Abịa mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Anambara
Mmma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Delta mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Ebonyi mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Enuugwu mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Imo mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Rivas mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Naịjirịa mma mma nụ
Ekelee m
Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ
Ekelee m unụ
Kwezuonụ
OKWU MMALITE
I meela, Chineke, I meela
I meela, Chineke, I meela o
Imeela, Chineke, Imeela
Onyeaweanyi nara (ekele) I meela
(otito)
(onyinye)
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Nkịta nyara ŕkpŕ
Nsị ŕgwụ n'ọhịa
Ọhịa ogwū mara ọkụkọ A naghị epio yŕ epiọ
Ňke bŕa na mkpọ Ŕzụ gwụ na mkpọ
Dinta buru egbé Anụ ŕgwụ n'ọhịa
Isi akwu daa n’ŕlŕ Nwaŕnyị arịa ya elu
Agụ bŕa n'ọhịa Mgbada achịri ume n'aka
Mmiri riri nwa awọ Ŕ naghị egwū ya čgwů
Ahịajọkụ agbaala afo iri abụo na abụo. Ọ mụtala umu iri na isii, na
ederede iri na isii. Ozugbo ha, n'asụsụ Bekee. Na ndị ochie dike ndị a, na ndị diji ndị a, na ndị ọkŕ okwu na otụ ilolo ndị a, ọ dịbeghị nke ọ bula n'ime ha nwere ụdi nsogbu mụ onwe m nwere n'asụsụ m ga-eji akpụpụta echemeche m ma ọ bụ kwupụta mbunoobi m Ihe kpatara
nke a bụ na na 'Citation on The Ahịajọkụ Lectures' ekwuru ya n'akpughị mmiri n'onụ na:
Each lecturer is to choose his or her Language of
delivery bearing in mind that the audience understands both Igbo and English.
Ụmụnne m na ụmụnna m, unu anụla ya nụ. Ọ bu ihe a ka Igolo. Gius
Nkemjika Anọka, Ode Nguru, na ndị komiti ya chepụtara ma kwuo n'afo 1o7o mgbe ha naewube Ahịajọkụ. Ndi niile maara ihe e jiri mara m na ihe mere m jiri bụrụ ihe m bụ, maara na anọ m na nsogbu. Ezigbo nsogbu
o. N'ezie, adi m ka onye chi ya na ogo ya rịorọ olụ, n'ọnọdụ a m hụrụ onwe m n'asụsụ m ga-eji. Chi m n'ebe a bụ asụsụ Igbo; Ọgo m abụrụ asụsụ Bekee. N'ezie, ọ na-adị m ka na ụfọdụ - ikekwe - otụtụ ndị bịara Ahịajọkụ n'afo a, bịara ihụ etu nwoke ga-esi anabata
aka mgba asụsụ cheere ya. Ma a kpọrọ ya Ahịajọkụ ma ọ bụ Ufiejọku o, ma ọ bụ Njọkụ ma ọ bụ Njọkụji, ma ọ bụ Ajamaaja, - ha niile bụ otu ihe ma bụrụkwa okwu ọkpụ Igbo. Ahịajọkụ bụ mmemme. Ọ bụkwa evueme ndị Igbo. Otụtụ ndị bịara mmemme a, n'ebe a, n'afo a, bụ ndị Igbo. Nga a anyi guzọrọ ugbuaaka a bụ ala Owere Nchi Ise, n'ala Igbo. Ebe ihe ndị a niile dizi etu a, ọ bụ gini gbochiri anyi iji asụsụ Igbo gawa n'ihu? Nga olee ka mba ọ bụla si akpata nkụ ha ji esi ihe? Kedụ ebe mba ọ bula si enweta mmiri ha na-anụ? Ọ bụ na mba ndị ọzọ? Olee ebe e si agbata mmiri e ji esi ụgụ? Eche m na ọ bụ mmiri ụgụ gba(pụ)
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Ladies and Gentlemen, the point I have tried to make is that no Ahịajọkụ lecturer before me has had
my dilemma in the choice of the language for preparing and delivering his
lecture. All before me who have trodden this road had
no problem with their language of delivery. Not necessarily because of what
they had to talk about but necessariiy because of their training. Luckily, in
the extant and pristine citation crafted by those who thought of and through Ahịajọku, it was explicitly stated
that each lecturer is free to choose his or her 'language of delivery' because
the audience understands both ‘Igbo and English.’ Simple, children like
statements are rarely childish. Are choices really ever free? Aren't they hemmed in by the imperatives of context-time, space,
dramatis personae? Again, who says the typical Ahịajọku audience 'understands' both Igbo and English? And when we
talk of both Igbo and English, are we talking about conjunction, disjunction or co-ordination? Are we talking of a monolingual
presentation through and through in either Igbo or English or of the bilingual
presentation in both Igbo and English, in one text, or of the same text
presented simultaneously in Igbo, and in English all bound together as a book
in the Aboyedean sense? We know that bilingualism has as many types as it has
varieties. Ladies and Gentlemen, I will stoutly resist the temptation of being
drawn from ikpọta ụtaba to iba n 'ime ahịa.
Ndị nwe m, we all
have our own different proverbs and
anecdotes for why it is the mad man uses so many words. That is really
stream-of-consciousness at work. I have mentioned the Igbo, Ode Nguru,
Ambassador Gaius Nkemjika Anọka, master bureaucrat 'and administrator, International diplomat, Poet, Scholar, Linguist, Thinker, Traditionalist and a
Knight in the Anglican Communion, Master Facilitator and Strategist in Igbo
Lore. Have you ever heard of The Readings on the Igbo Verb, The Dictionary of
Igbo Place Names and the still-born Standard Igbo Dictionary (Project) scuttled
by the ndorondoro between persons, offices and location? Division of Culture in
the Ministry of Information and Culture and The
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Gwa m gwa m gwa m, ...
Gwanụ m.(ihe) ...
Ị mara, Ị marala, Ị marala ...
O befọrọ be onye?
Nri ọ na-adighị,
Onye nŕ ọ gaghị eri?
Ụgwọ onye ọ bụ la aghaghị ikwụ
Ihe nyirị dike?
Ihe a gụrụ aha,
O di ka aha a gụrụ ya?
Ozuru ụwa nille?
E zuru ezu gaa
E zughị ezu laa?
Maazị Chiifu, Dọkịta Frederick Chiedozie Ọgbalụ has paid his own debt.
Whatever anyone likes, let him say about Ọgbalụ. Nobody can take away from him the fact that between 1944 - 1992, he literally facilitated the empowerment of the Igbo
language for functional literacy, numeracy, creative literature and in the
collection, transcription and description of Igbo orature. F.C. Ọgbalụ, he is also now dead. So,
too, another Frederick, Professor Doctor Nnabuenyi Ogonna,
the authority on Mmanwụ, in particular, and Igbo dramatic arts in general. The diegwu
of the Lagos School of Igbo Studies. Maazi Tony Uchenna Ubesie proved to the
international world of literary creativity that the Igbo language, can contribute its own to all genres of fiction,
faction and radio-television productions. Mr Chairman, I am not aware that any
or all of this ouartet-facilitators, masters, practitioners and analysts of
Igbo language, literature and culture have ever had any mention at an Ahịajọkụ. With your revered
permission Mr. Chairman, I pray that this highly esteemed and respected
audience rise on their legs, and remove their hats, caps and headgears - in
their names and in their honour, n'ugwu unu niile. May their great and large Igbo souls rest, nwa jụụụ,
in the bossom of Chineke, Olisaburuuwŕ, Ọpụtaobie! May they become ndịichie n’ala Igbo niile. And saints of the Most High.
Ise
Ise
Ise ọ ise
Amaala, mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ
Mma mma nụ Ekeleenụ
Okwu m chighaa! Back to my language of discourse. It will be Igbo and English
in complementary distribution and in line with the principle of complementary
dualism which pervades Igbo thinking, Igbo mode of thought and the grammar of
structures in the Igbo language. Igbo and English. Not Engligbo, for that would
be Igbo oxide, Igbo carbon monoxide! Nor Igbo and English with code-mixing. Or
with code-switching. Those are not allowed or tolerated in 'native like' or
symmetrical micro-bilingualism. That will be our language of discourse. I would
really have preferred it through and through in Igbo as I did in the first in
the series of the Odenigbo Lectures: Olumefula. But do all of us here; really,
understand Modem Spoken Igbo with all its complex internal dynamics and the
evolving protean language for talking about Igbo IN Igbo; otherwise called Igbo
metalanguage? We all are familiar with the ụkabụilu of the sick mart who went to the traditional doctor for
treatment. After he had reeled off his mind, the doctor asked him to put himself at ease, comfortably. While trying
to do so, a huge fart was heard. And the doctor asked him what the matter was.
The patient replied, well, 'you can hear and see things for yourself. That is
one of my ailments.' You all can now see with me, why it has taken Ahịajọku so long to recognize the
other side of the Igbo identity and reality - the Igbo Language! Is it because
we were waiting for the young to grow, in s milieu where age is something? Or
is it because what concerns us most, must
be treated last?
MBČ ŕgaba Ajambčne
MBČ ŕgaba Ajambčne
MBČ gaa gaa Ajambčne
Inu m, na akụkọ m na okwu m enupụụnọọ faa faa gidigwom wee nukwasị ofu nnukwute ala, otu obosara ala. Ọ bụghị ala Ịgala, ala Ọnọja Oboni.
Agadaaga ala a di, site n'ala ndị Nsụka n'Ugwu ruo na nke ndị Ikwere na Ahoada, na Ndida;
ma sitewe n'Ehugbo n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ ruo n'ala Ndịosimili, Ụkụani na Ịka, n’Odida Anyanwụ. Ala Igbo di mbụ dịrị tupu ndị Potokori eruo Ose Naịjirịa n'afo 1472. Ọ tọrọ
E mee elu mee ala, mbo tọrọ eze. Ma ọ masịrị ndị di ka Bala Usman na ndị ọdịka ya. Ndi a bụ ndị ka nọ n'afọ 2001 na-eso onye di ka Hugh Trever Roper na-ako ka ọ siri masị ha, ka Naịjirịa siri malite ma ọ bụ ka Naịjirịa kwesịrị ịdị. Iji tupịa okwu m ọnụ. E kwesịrị ikwusị ya ike na ala Igbo kwupụrụ iche n'ala mba ndị ọzọ soro mepụta Naịjirịa ka anyị siri mara ya ugbuluaka a!
N'ugwu ala Igbo, Ndị Nsụka ka ma oke ala ha na ndị Igala, na ndị Idoma. Etu ahụ ka ọ di ndị Abankeleke (Izii) na ndị Idoma na ndị Tiv na ndị Mbembe. Wee ruo echi, ndị Ehugbo na ndị Arọchukwu maara oke ala ha na
ndị agbataobi ha
ndị a - ndị Mbembe, ndị Yako, na ndị Ibibi. Ndị Ngwa na ndị Ụkwa maara nke oma oke ala ha
na ndị Mmom. Ndị a niile bicha n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ. Na Ndịda (Naịjirịa) ndị Ikwere na ndị ụmụnne ha, ma oke ala ha na ndị Ịjo na ndị Ogoni na ndị Andoni. Ndị Ekpeye na ndị Ahoada masịrị oke ha na ndị Ịzon na ndị Ogbịa. N'Odida Anyanwụ, Ndịosimili na Ndi Ụkwani na ndị Ịka, ka mara oke ha na ndị. Urhobo na ndị Isoko na ndị Okpe. Ala Igbo, ọ teela ya. Ọ teela ya na ndị egede nwere ya. Ala Igbo bụ ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ala. N'Ugwuele, n'Ehugbo, na Nsụka na n'Igboukwu e gwụputala ọtụtụ ihe okpu kabon - 14 na-egosi na ọ peka mpe, ndị mmadu ebiwela n'ala Igbo site n'afo 100,000 tupu a mụo Jesu wee ruo afo 5,000 tupu a mụo Jesu. Ọ bu ezi okwu na ndị ọkaa na mmụta ka kaa-asụ ngongo n'ikwekorịta ma ndị (mmadụ) ahụ bi n'ala Igbo, n'oge ahụ, nke ka nke, n'Ugwuele - ma ha bụ ndị Igbo ma ọ bụ ee. Ma otu ihe di n'enweghị mgbagha bụ ebe Ugwele di taa. Ọ bụ n'ala Igbo. Mana ka m jụkwaa o, mmadụ ole na ndị nọ ugbu a, na-ege m nti ma ihe ndị a m na-arụtụ aka maka Ugwele n'akụkoala ndị Igbo? Ihe a abụghị akuko mbe na ajambene. Ihe a bụ ọkpụtọrọọkpụ okwu nwere njirimara ya.
N'ezie ọ bụrụ na ọ bụ ndị mba ndị ọzọ nwere Ugwuele n'akụkoala ha, ha ga-egi ikňrň na ňgele na ngwa ndị di ugbu a, e ji ezisa ozi
na redio n televishọn, na opike na ederede dịgasị iche na-ekwu maka ya, na-ako maka ya, na-ama njakịrị, na na-agba oke ogbondu na
egbe onụ maka ya. Ma na-agwa ndị mmadụ, ndị mba ọzọ n'ụwa niile: bịa lerenụ, bịa hụrụnụ, bịanụ kilibenu. A ga-ewu oke ụlọ ọkpụ e ji ọla edo chọọ mma, ka ọ ga-abụ oge onye - na ndị - chọrọ, na ka onye ahụ-na ndị ahụ siri chọọ, ha bịa, a sị ha:
Kilibenu
Kilibenụ
Kilibenụ o
Kilibenụ
Ihe kara mere n'ekobe
Kilibenụ
Kilibenụ
Kilibenụ o
Kilibenụ
Ihe ndị ọkpụ mere n'akụkọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Kŕ Ị mŕ nke ŕ
Ị mŕ nke ọzọ ụ
Kŕ Ị sị na Ị ma nke a
Ị mŕ ńke ọzọ
Ị nụbela maka Thurstan S na Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Frank Anọzie na Lawal. Ọ kweghị Lawal na ndị ogbo ya na di ọdịka ya ghọta ma ọ bụ chemie na oze di n'ọkpụtorọọkpụ ngwongwo na ngwoloko ndị ahụ e gwupụtara na Nri tọrọ nke oma, oze nke ahụ e gwupụtara n’Ife na n'ala Idụu - n'usoro e jiri meputa
ya. Azi gbakwaa, otoro gbakwaa ndị kwuru na ndị dere na ndị hụrụ ihe a! Tufiakwa! Kabon-14 aruola ala! Gini ka nsị na-achọ n'agba? Nwata (ya bụ ndị Igbo) ọ na-ebu nna ya ụzọ amụta ọkpara? Nwata ọ na-egosi nna ya oke ala! Ma
ọ masịrị Lawal, ma ọ masịghị ya, ndị maara maka ola dịgasị iche iche, na-ekwu ma na-akowa na oze nke e'gwupụtara na Nri bụ ezigbote oze e jiri kọpa, tiin na leedi gwọọ. Mana oze nke
e gwupụtara n'Ife na
Ka Maịk Angulu Ọnwụejeọgwụ na Lawal nọsịrị na-eme ndọrọndọrọ a, na-agba egbe onụ na egbe ederede a mmadụ ole n’ogbakọ a, mara maka ya, gụrụ maka ya nụrụ maka ya? Ọ bụghị atụmatụ ọzọ n'Igbo oxide! Ezechitaoke,
Olisabuluụwa na Chi Okike kenyere anyi
Ugwuele, na Nri na Nsụka na Ehugbo n'ala Igbo na ọkpụtụrụọkpụ ihe ọkpụ, n'akụko anyi. Ozọkwa, ihe gbasara anyi agbasaghị anyi. Olee uru Ugwuele baara anyi n'oge ugbu a, n’ụwa taa? Ka ọ bu Ehugbo ma ọ bụ Nri Oreri, Aguleri na
Nsuka? Ugbu a, uwa niile na-ekwu maka w.w.w. ma ọ bụ: sayensi @niile.yahoo.com.
Mana ndị Igbo, ha bụ yahoo! Lee ihe J.C. Obienyem dere maka 'Akwa Ala Igbo Na-Ebe'
A zụrụ unů n'isụ ọhịa
Ma unů nọrọ na-člč m anya ọcha
Ụmụ m, oleč ihe m mere unu?
Amamihe unů na-anyụ osụ
Unů jiri ha čtere ni ọzọ ofč
Mgbč unu hapụrů m n'ida ajo ọhịa
Ndị m, oleč ihe
mere unu?
J.C. Obienyem Akpa Uche 1975:66-7
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Ihe niile anyị nwere n'ụwa ŕ
Ňnye nyčrč ŕnyị ha
Chi nyere anyị o
Chi nyere anyị o
Mba niile Igbo nwere n'ụwa ŕ
Asụsụ niile e nwere n'ụwa a
Olu niile e nwere n'Igbo
ASỤSỤ IGBO: OLUMBA NA IGBO IZUGBE
O wee bụlụ ma okwu. Ogbu a, inu m, na okwu m na akụko m enukwasala asụsụ Igbo. Asụsụ Igbo na olumba ndị dịgasi na ya adịrịla adịrị asụrụla asụrụ, n'oge ọkpụ, tupu Bekee na Ụka abịa n'Ala Igbo. Site n'Ugwu wee ruo na Ndịda n'Ala Igbo, site n'Ọwụwa Anyanwụ wee ruo n'Odida Anyanwụ n'Ala Igbo, mba ọ bụla nwere olu ha na-asụ e jiri mara ha. Anyi
ekwuola ya na Ala Igbo bụ obosara ala gbanyere ụkwụ na steeti isii, dị ka Naịjirịa sịri dịrị ugbu a.
Ndị a bụ: Anịọma (na
Mkpụrụụda asụsụ, na mkpọpụta nke ọ bụla
Mkpọpụta ụdaasụsụ - ngowire, ndebeolu, ọdịdị olu, olu nka, n'abụ na n'ukwe
Mkpụrụasụsụ na mkpụrụkwu
Mkpọkpụta mkpụrụsasụsụ na mkpụrụokwu
Mkpọnuume, mkpọnaakpo, mkpọna egbagbere
Nkebiokwu, nkebiahịrị, ahịrịokwu na ndịnaya
Nnyemaka ngwaa, mmejupụta ha na mpụtara ha
Ndị Igbo niile
maara nke a, ofụma ofụma, kpatara ha ji ebee otu akpata onụ na:
Mba na-achi n'olu, n'olu
Ma ha kwaa ụkwara
Ya adaa kwa kwa kwa
Ilu a bụ mmanwụ tiri onwe ya. N'ihi na achọghị m ka ego e jiri lụo nne m laa ọkpọrọ, agaghị m agbali ikowa ya. Mana n'ihi na nne m azụchaala ahịa nke ya soro igwurube laa
mmụo, ka m gbalịa zipụta ụmi ilu a. Ihe ọ na-ekwu bụ na e gemizie nti na rịịị
na tịịị dị n’olumba gasị anyị were anya ahụ e ji ahụ nsị osa, na ntị ahụ e ji anụ ikiri ụkwụ esu, anyị ga-ahụ ma nụ otụtụ ndịiche, site n’otu ebe gaa
n’ebe ọzọ n’olumba ndị Igbo. Mana anyị bịa n’ihe ndị ahụ asụsụ jiri bụrụ otu njirimara ndị, na omenaala ha, olu na ibe ya bụ otu, site na nghọta na mpụtara dị n’iminiimi ha, na n’ọkpụ ndịrị ha – na mpụtara na nghọta ha.
Asụsụ Igbo nwere otụtụ olumba. E nwebeghị ike imatacha olumba ole di
n'asụsụ Igbo. Otu ihe anyị maara bụ na ọ karịrị steeti ole a na-asụ Igbo ka asụsụ mbụ, maka ụfọdụ ma ọ bụ niile, na ha. Otu ihe ọzọ anyị maara bụ na olumba ndị a erughị ka komuniti ndị nweere onwe ha, na goomenti ndị di ugbu a n'Ala Igbo, na-ekewapụta aghara aghara. Otu ihe ọzọ anyị maara bụ na e nwere otu olumba, oge, ndị mmadụ na adimkpa nyeela ndị Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a ka a na-akpọ Igbo Izugbe. Asụsụ di ka Igbo, a na-asụ n'obosora ala di dika Ala
Igbo, asụsụ nwerela abidii ya oke mgbe, asụsụ nwerela otụtụ ederede na ya, asụsụ so asụsụ abụo ndị ọzọ bụrụ asụsụ Ala Naịjirịa, a na-akụzi site n'otaakara wee ruo yunivasiti dị ka A1 na A2, asụsụ a na-asụ na redio na televishon, were ya na-eme otụtụ ihe ndị digasị iche iche, asụsụ bụ na ndị na-asụ ya ruru 20m ma ọ peka mpe. Asusu di etu a kwesiri inwe Izugbe abuo - nke osusu
na nke odide. Izugbe Osụsụ na Izugbe Odide abụghị ebiri. Nke osụsụ tọrọ nke odide. Izugbe asụsụ Igbo malitere kemgbe ndị Igbo si na mba digasị iche bidoro nwewe mmekorịta n'ọgbako, n'azụmahịa, n'ụlo ụka, n'ama egwuregwu, n'ụlo akwụkwọ, n'egemnti na mkpịrịta ụka na ejije na ihe ndị ọzọ a na-eme na redio na televishon. Izugbe Odide malitere kemgbe ndị ụka Siemesi tinyere anya n 'asụsụ Igbo imepụta na ikpụpụta otu olu Igbo ga-abụ ozuruigbo niile onụ. Na mbụ na mbụ ndị Siemesi wubere Isuama site na mgbali. Schon, na Saro.' Mana ka
Schon garuru Abo sụo Isuama n'enwegbhi onye ghọtara ya ka ọ kpụpụta na akamere anaghị adi n'asụsụ. Achịdikịn Denis ewee gbalịa chopụta Yunion Igbo ka ọ bụrụ Igbo Izugbe. Nke ahụ kụkwara afo n'ala. Ida Ward
ewee haziwe Central Igbo, etu Welmers na Welmers siri hazie Compromise Igbo. Na
ndị a niile ọ dighị nke a nabatara ka ọ bụrụ Igbo Izugbe. Ma ka agha Bịafra biri, n'afo 1970, Otu
Iwelite Asụsụ na Omenaala Igbo bidoziri haziwe Igbo Izugbe nke e jizi ede
ederede Igbo ugbu a. Na mkpọkọta okwu m, ọ kwesịrị ka anyị mata na Isuama, Yunion, Central na Compromise Igbo jikọrọ aka mee ka mpupụta na nhazi Igbo Izugbe na-aga were were. Ọ bụ naani Igbo Izugbe a nwere ọkaasụsụ Igbo. Ọ bụ nke a bụ otu oke ndịiche di n'etiti olumba ndị ọzọ e nwere n'asụsụ Igbo na Igbo Izugbe.
Sọọ
nwata ụ nọ n'ikpele mmili
Kwe m eke Ekene Oma
O ma Oma na udo
Údo Ůdo obele
O bele Obele nza
Nza Nza atụle
Atụle Atụle ňbň
O bo Obo n'ụgbo
Ụ gbo Ụgbo n'amě
Amě Amị gololịo
Osikapa Joloof O nŕ-ŕsonashị kombiěfu
Osụwayịwayị Ěyaŕ
Ladies and Gentlemen,
THE IGBO OF INNOCENCE
THE ESSENCES IN IGBO CIVILIZATION
In the age of innocence the indịgenous, native and original Igbo were simple child-like,
hardworking, imbibing from their elders who were steeped in essence, in the
lores and mores of Igbo culture and civilization. As the young Igbo grew up they were exposed to and imbibed four crucial 'cults' (but without
the pejorative senses of today).
Ikengŕ – ‘the cult of the right hand which symbolizes indịvidual achievement through
hard work (with one's hand);
Iru-cult – ‘the cult of the face which sytnbolise
one's commandịng personality and influence;
Ůhu-cult - 'the cult of the body and tongue which symbolise personal charm and
persuasive eloquence;
Ụkwụ nŕ ije - 'the culture of
the limbs which symbolise success in adventures.
Essential in his inculturation programme, the Igbo
amika and ntoroobia, were taught to recognize the Alusi or supernatural being
forces for what they were. Even though they could have the features of men, the
Alusi were neither living human beings (mmadu) nor dead human beings (mmuo). In
the age of innocence, the Igbo, whatever was their location in Igboland, shared
an identical conception of the Cosmos. To them the universe was divided into
four complementary departments:
Ůwŕ, Mmuo, Alusi and Okike. Uwa (-wa break open; split open, be cracked) in the
world of the senses is seen in Igwe (the heavens or firmament) and Ala (the
earth) Uwa is inhabited by Mmadu (living human beings), Mmuo (dead ancestors
who, as ndịichie, the canonized ones, can re-incarnate, or as Akalaogoli can't re-incarnate, or Ekwensu, mischievious spirits, and
Agwu, the maverick ambivalent trickster spirit which through divination, Afa,
reveals to human beings the complex nature of the cosmic relationships in the
Igbo world. Very close to but distant from Uwa ndị Igbo, is Chi Ukwu (Chukwu), the Great Chi (God), Chi Okike =
Chinaeke (the Creator), Olisabuuwa (the God that carries the world). In the
pristine world of their bucolic innocence, the Igbo revered Chukwu (God), the
Great Enigma, Amaamaamasịghịamasị (The-known-and-not-so-known). Ọnọnsomateeaka (One-that-is-near-but-still-far). The innocent Igbo
venerated Chiokike because:
Ikeechukwuebuka Chukwunọnso
Chukwuebuka Chukwuenweghịiwe
Chukwunweikeniile Chukwunwendu
Chukwukadibịa Chukwujindu
Chukwumụanya Chukwumaobimmadụniine
Chukwubụike
In the philosophy of Igbo knowledge
Chukwu kere
Ma
In the age of innocence the rural Igbo had very great respect for Ndu (life)
because it comes from God. It is greater than money
or wealth. It cannot be foundered by blacksmith. All things are only useful if
they have life.
Osondụagwgụike Ndụbụeze
Chukwụbụndo Ndụbụisi
Chukwunwendụ Ndụkaego
Chukwujindụ Ndụkaakụ
Ekejindụ Ụzụakpụndụ
Ifebụnandụ Mdịkaanwụifemgaemedị
Ifesinandụ Obụlụnamdịndụifemgaemedị
Ifeakandụ
In the age of pre-innocence, God allowed Death to be in order to checkmate
Onye lote ọnwụ
O mea nwayọọ
N'ihi na
Ọnwụatụegwu Ọnwụenweiro
Ọnwụatụaka Ọnwụamaoke
Ọnwụasoanya Ọnwụakpaoke
Ọnamaoke Ọnwụnọnso
Ọnwụeliego Ọnwweteaka
Ọnwụelingo Ọnwụejeọgwụ
Ọnwụenweoyị Ọnwụamaife
In the age of innocence the Igbo respected age and the elders almost to the
point of reverence because:
Ife okčnye dŕnŕ ŕni fụ
Nwatŕ kwụlụ ọtọ ọ má-afụ yá
A hụ, e kwughị nŕ-čgbu okčnyč
E kwuo, a nụghị nŕ-čgbu nwatŕ
In their ranking of professions or attributes, the igbo of innocence ranked
brain over brawn:
Kalịa aya gŕ-čli ọtụ ilňlň
Ya lia dike
Thus the strategic thinker, the philosopher, a bundle of brains is preferred to
the warrior, the military strategist, the man of strength.
For, whereas the latter is replaceable and dispensable, the former is not
replaceable, and is indịspensable. Tied to the virture of thinking and geometric
reasoning is the indgenous Igbo ranking of amamihe
(absolute wisdom) amamizu (absolute wisdom) over:
Ŕkọ 'smartness,
‘wit’ as in Nwa Ebule Ako
Uchč ‘commonsense’ (without real wisdom)
Ŕkọ nŕ uchč ‘wisdom’
Ńtụbịrịkọ ‘diplomacy’
If the above analysis is correct, what then do these mean?
Ŕkọ bụ ndụ
Uchč bụ ndụ
Uchč bụ afa
Uchč bụ ŕkpŕ
The autochthonous Igbo of innocence prized material possessions but would not
make a fetish of them because material possessions come from God.
Chukwunweụba
Chukwujiụba
Ekčjiụba
Ụbŕsěnŕchi
But if:
Ndụbụŕkụ
Nwabụŕkụ
Mmadụbụŕkụ
Madụwụụba
And then:
Nwakŕụba
Mmadụkaụba
In the light of the above what is?
Ŕkụ ụba ŕkụ nŕ ụbŕ
Possessions possessions of assets wealth
· Eluluů (animal resources)
· Akụmakụ (forest resources)
·
· Ndịinyom (wives)
· Ụmụ (children)
· Ohů (slaves)
In terms of wealth, the Igbo of innocence were concerned more with the creation
and acquisition of wealth - than with the spinning of money. The image of the
King in Every man which the Ikenga and the Ụkwu na Ije cults seem to
portray, is only partially correct. Adventure and success are not only carried
out and achieved in society, they are measured against other people in and the
virtues society. Persuasive eloquence, rhetoric and oratory associated with the Uhu-cult are society-determined. So, too, is
commandịng personality and influence of the Iru-cult, society-driven.
The Igbo of innocence was a community dweller and a team worker.
For while he knew that:
1. Onye ya na chi ya kwụ
O dighị ihe ga-eme ya
Or
2. Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe
He also knew and believed that:
1. Mmadụ bụ chi ibe ya
2. Ịhŕ mč ịha me ịhŕ
3. Ọgọ bụ chi ogbenye
4. Ofu onye adị-abụ ebň
5. Ofu aka adị-eke ngwugwu
6. Ofu onye adị-ebu ozu enyě
7. Ofu onye adịghị mma n'ije
8. Otu mkpịsị aka rụta mmanụ
Ya eruo ndị ọzọ
9. Ihe kwụrụ
Ihe akwụdebe ya
10. Onye maani ya kwụ
Odudu atagbuo ya
11. Ọkọ kọba mmadụ
O gaa kwụde mmadụ ibe ya
Ka ọ kọọ ya;
kọba anụ ọhịa
O gaa n'ahụ osisi
12. Otu onye lie onwe ya
AKA ya ga-apụtarịrị
13. Nwata nwe ọkpŕ
Mana n'ezi okenye
Ka ọ na-akwa
14. Onye fee ezč,
Ezč eruo ya
15. Ọhŕ nwč tutuu
Tutuu nwč ọhŕ
16. Aka nri kwọọ aka ekpe
AKA ekpe akwọọ aka nri
All the above proverbs emphaize the complementry roles of indịviduals with indịviduals - inhuman society. So, too, does the aetiological
anecdote about why 'Fowls go in twos - because the thing that kills fowls
(hawks) come from above. If one fowl sees the enemy first, it alerts the
others. So too do personal names like:
Adimabua Nwaěgbň
Adaọha Igboanụgo
Nwaọha Igbonaekwu
Obiọha Igboakalụzịa
emphasize complementation, reciprocity and group plidarity.
What I have been saying so far suggests complementation rather than polarity,
inclusivism rather than exclusivism, and holism rather than
indvidualism. Too much: exists in the political, sociological and cultural
literature about the Igbo being an extreme indịvidualist, a lone ranger (= I-go-before-others). I would not,
however, like my audience to go away with the
impression that the Igbo society of innocence and the Igbo people of innocence
did not have their fair share of mavericks, madmen and deviants. They had. But
they believed these were the exceptions that give vibrancy and relevance to the
rules.
O dighị ala na-enweghị ngwere
Some people among the Igoo of innocence did do what they were not expected to
do. The ten, universal commandments were broken. There was incest. There was
adultery, fornication and abortion. For the Igbo language has words for these. People ate animals, fishes and fruits they were
forbidden to eat. People went to other people's farms and removed yams and
cocoyams from their farms and barns. But there were sanctions for those caught
in the act. There were public confessions, executions, and suicides for those
who offended grieviously against ala. For:
Ňgbu mma nŕ-ŕla na mmŕ
Ogbůru onye nŕ onye ọ gbů yị ŕla
Ajụghị ŕjụ eri kpŕtŕrŕ
A rịŕghị ŕrịŕ ŕnwụ
For those who confessed their transgressions, there was forgiveness. For:
Mmehie dịka-ŕdị
Mgbayŕlị adị-ŕdị
The Igbo of innocence lived in and operate within his umunna, at the three
levels of partilinage: minimal, major and maximal. He also lived and operated
within the Ikwunne or Nnamochie - the matrilinage. At the widest level, he operated within a village. Beyound that, he
went into an mba - another or foreign land adjacent to his and with which it
had all sorts of alliances and relationships. Even in some of the known (Igbo)
kingdoms the king, even where there was a primogeniture, was treated as a
President-for- as long as he proved himself people-centred, democratic and
republican - and his people were satisfied with his reign not rule. For:
Ọhŕ nwč ezč
Čzč nwe Ọhŕ
In conclusion, the Igbo of innocence loved and
coveted wisdom and applied it to all he thought, said and did. For him Chukwu
himself created wisdom and so all true wisdom came from Chukwu. This true
wisdom is not just one of intellect, derivable from facts but a passion for
truth. The young garnered it from counsel, instruction and observation from the
elders and the wise, through informal traditional education whose unwritten
texts were the folktales and other narratives the proverbs, anecdotes, tongue
twisters, riddles, songs and poems of all descriptions and genres, feasts and
festivals. Whether as technical knowledge, or hypostratic knowledge, true
knowledge as against spurious wisdom is what kept the Igbo going in their
arcadian innocence.
THE BACKGROUND TO EXPERIENCE
Mutual trans umunna, trans ogo, trans mbam, trans mba contacts, with other
sub-cultural Igbo groups within Ala Igbo. This was one factor. Mutual trans
Igbo culture contacts with their non-Igbo neighbours (
THE IGBO OF EXPERIENCE
According to Onwuejeogwu (1987) exprience intergrated the theatre of Igbo
civilization into what is today called
Ezč Ěgbň di mfe
nweghị omŕ:
Aju e ji čbu ezč dọ nŕ ngwůrů niile
Di n'ime Olu nŕ Igbo
Ebe m nwčrč ňkpu mmče mmče
Jide ija nŕ ńků akpukpọ
Ezč, ọ fọrọ ihe ọzọ
N'Olu nŕ Ěgbň ezč na adŕ n'obi ọ masịrị ya;
Ŕjŕdu nŕ-akpọ isi ŕlŕ, ọ na-akpọrọ onwe ya
Ebe ọ bu ego bu
igidigi oju eze
Ŕjadu chi ya mụ any a, ọ majite ego
Ego tụa ahụ, eze adawaa!
Ma eze naịrŕ, ọ bụ eze gini?
Eze ụra atụ na eze nkwōro
E gbue ebi naabo, e zoo otu
Okwu sie ike, ndị uwe ojii na ndị dibia
Bikonụ, eze naịrŕ, ọ bụ eze gini?
Nolue Emenanjo (ed.) Ụtara Nti pp. 63-4.
Put in the most simplistic language the combination of all the agencies and
forces of the post-innocence era resulted in the emergence of men without
shape, women without ears, shapes without forms, hollow men without backs; for
whom all things are not where they are supposed to be, the spirtus mundị was ambivalence, the
zeitgeist; snakes swallowing snakes. Ebe niile abụrụ mmadụ mmadụ, mana mmadụ akoo. Ụkwụ eju ala, mana ije adighị. N'ezie, ọkụkọ agbasaala okpesi. Ndị nọ n'ala bidoziri dagbuwe ndị nọ n'elu. Akwụ wee chaa n’ọdụ igů. Ịkwighịikwighị efebezie n'ehihie. Eỳi n'ehihie. Ndị eze akarịa ndị ha na-achi. Ya abụrụ mpụ n'elu, mpụ n'ala. Enyi mbekwu na Uze
ejuzịa n'ebe niile
Nke bụzi na n'Abụja na n'Ajegunle, e nwezi
eze ndị Igbo? Nke a, abụghị eze akhje! Ka ndị eze siri hie nne ka aha
(otutu) ha siri na-eyi egwu ma dikwa egwu!
Mmirinaezňnaọkọchi I
Otuonyeanaetuụnuabịala I
Oshěměrěrieonyeorieọgwụya I
Odịụkonamba
I
Gwugwuga I
Odụmnaegbuagụ I
Anụanaagbaegbeọnaatahwịọhwịọ I
Mmirinaarịugwu I
Ndị bụ na karịa ha ga-echepụta ma rụpụta ngwa ọhụrụ, ha alaa defence, rụo ngwa ahụ akpụrụka ma mepụta ajasa ya, adịgboroja ya, ijebu ya! Nke a
emezie ka n'Ala Igbo niile mana ọ karịrị n'Aba na Ụlụ diwazịa ka Lo Wu, oke obodo ahịa di na Shenzhen na
I will now end my observations and impressions about the Igbo experience with
this poem, (a little adapted) from an anonymous hand. It's title:
(THE) NOTHING PEOPLE
They do not lie.
They just neglect to tell the truth.
They do not take,
They simply cannot bring themselves to give.
They do not steal,
They scavenge.
They will not rock the boat,
But did you ever see them pull an oar?
They will not pull you .down,
They'll simply let you pull them up,
And let you pull them down.
They will not hurt you,
They merely will not help you.
They do not hate you,
They merely cannot love you.
They will not burn you,
They'll only fiddle while you burn.
They are the nothing people,
The sins-of-omission folk,
The neither-good-nor-bad,
And, therefore, worse.
The good, at least, keep busy, trying,
And the bad try jut as hard.
Both have that character,
That comes from caring, action and conviction.
The honest sinner with God and Satan.
They know the price of everything,
But do not know the value of anything
They scream about national character.
But, given the chance,
They live and practise family character.
Or sell out their own quota and the character
Or scatter everything, like the fowl
Who says:
Scatter and scatter lest another eat!
CHIAKPII wọọọ
CHIAKPII wọọọ
CHIAKPII wọọọ
Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Enye m i ọkwụlụ inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Okwụlụ ŕkpŕjili inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
Asụsụ neafụ o inyom inyom inyo! ọkwụlụ Inyom
THE IGBO LANGUAGE OF EXPERIENCE
...n'okwu Igbo
Ndị gboo kpara ụka n'asụsụ a
Ha kọrọ akịkọ ọchị, daa kwŕkwŕkwŕ;
Iwe hŕ pụtŕrŕ n'okwu zuru ňke;
Ha gbŕrŕ ězů, ghọta ňnwe hŕ n'Ěgbň
Ha bụrụ Mbe n'echěche okwu Ěgbň
Ha bụrụ Ndůrě bụkwa nwa Ọkịrị
Ha zara ọkwŕ nka, zaakwa ọchị agha
A kpọrọ ha mŕ ọkŕ okwů mŕ ọkŕ alň
N'ọnụ na nghọta, ha nọrọ bụrụ Ěgbň
J. C. Obienyem, 'Mbo m Na-Agba' Akpa Uche p. 69.
The Igbo language of innocence was, as should be expected, a closed circuit phenomenon. Each person spoke his dialect
(D1) in his umunna, his ogo, his onumara, his mbam - essentially and
unrepentantly, undịluted. The smiths who produced the Igbo-Ukwu bronzes must have
spoken an undịluted Aguukwu-oeri D1. So too the
axe makers at the foundries at Ugwuele, an Okigwe D1. And the salt makers of
Uburu, and undịluted Ehugbo D1. What did the Nri aka nshi speak when they went
on their religious njem across those parts of Igboland within the Nri hegemony?
At the axe foundries of Ugwuele what language
did the master axe makers, their patrons and their clients speak? When the Aro
went on their exploits beyond Ibiniukpabi, and, for Ibiniukpabi, how did they communicate
along their routes? What language was used by the Ekumeeku Warriors who were
drawn from all parts of Aniomaland? At the salt markets in Uburu and the horse
markets at Nsukka, how did the buyers and sellers communicate? My haunch (given
today's experience) is that Igbo-speaking people who left for other
Igbo-speaking mba modified their D1 - or learnt and used the more prestigious
D1, for purposes of intra-group communication. Let it be emphazised that
inspite of the political independence of the mba, there were many forms of
formal and informal contacts and for inter-dependence between various
Igbo-speakingpeople before the dawn of experience: trade, marriages, fairs,
festivals, feasts, and even wars. These were veritable avenues for mutual exposure
to different lects, varieties, jargons, sound systems, syntactic structures,
lexical elements and semantic systems in the Igbolanguage.
With experience came greater mobility within ahd beyond Igboland, as the Igbo
and their land now had greater contacts with other peoples, other cultures and
other languages. The nascent Spoken Standard Igbo began to grow and grow in its
lexical inventory, especially, in the names of plants, animals, geographical
features and phenomena alien to Igbo culture. Words like osikapa, otanjele, jakị, dawa, akamu, alakwuba,
agidi akpoto, elele, munchi from Ugwu Awusa, ụrooshi, ichafo, abada,
panya, from European Languages via the Coast; oloma, agboro, wayo, ashawo,
jedijedi from yorubaland; Iduu, iyase, Agwuele, from Edoland; banga, bonga,
ogogoro, agogo from the Niger Delta, mmom, abasị afaniko, Ibibi from Ibibio-Efikland.
Just as new words were coming in and being domesticated to the realities and
imperatives of the Igbo sound and lexical systems, so too, new tales, proverbs,
and anecdotes were being welcomed and added to the repertoire of Igbo folkore,
poems and songs. Collectors of unwritten Ibo literature are used to choruses,
non-ideophonic words, phrases and sentences which they often treat as either
'archaisms', 'nonsense words or 'obscurities'. These so-called archaisms and
nonsense words may well be from languages which are either siblings of the igbo
language or 'live' languages spoken by non-Igbo neighbours of the igbo or
others who have come in contact with the Igbo. As for the 'obscurities', those
references which may now look opaque may well be references to phenomena in
cultures and literatures which are neighbours to th igbo. Among the Anioma, for
example, references to Ala Iduu are copuous. And characters like Giant
Alakwukwu, an Agwuala (i.e. Giant), Gbanwula Asigie, Ogiso and Ezechime,
feature robustly in their folklore and oral histories. These and many more
features of the language contacts between Igbo and the languages of their
neighbours are begging for urgent studies.
IGU AKWUKWO NA IGU EGO
Onye ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu, ndị ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu, ezi na ụlọ ọ bụla, ụmụnna ọ bụla, ebe ọ bụla, ogo ọ bụla, uhe ọ bụla, mba ọ bụla, obdo ọ bụla, n'ezie, agbụrụ ọ bụla chọrọ iga n'ihu ga-ebu ụzọ gwọọ ọgwụ mmadụ tupu ya agwọọ ọgwụ ego. Maka na mmadụ bụ mma di na ndụ na n'elu ụwa a. Leekwa aha ndị a ndị Igbo na-aza:
Mmadụbụakụ Mmadụbụuko
Mmadụwụụba Mmadụnaecheibeya
Mmadụkaego Madụmereụwajiasoụso
Mmadụbụchiibeya Ihekanammadụ
Mmadụbụike Mmadụkaife
Ị gwọ ọgwụ mmadụ apụtaghị iga na dibịa. Ọ bụ iga akwụkwọ gaa nweta mmụta na mmụba si n'akwụkwọ. Ọ bụ ima akwụkwọ wetara ka mmadụ ghara iko mmadụ ibe ya ma ọ bụ mba ya. Ọ bụ ụko mmadụ kpatara mmadụ ga-eji eju, a ka na-achọ mmadụ. Iga akwụkwọ bụ isi dọkpụ nti n'etiti ndị na na mmepe obodo na agbụrụ. Ọ bụ ezie na:
Akwụkwọ nŕ-ŕtọ ụtọ
Ọ nŕ-ŕra ahụ na mmụta
Mŕ onye nwere ntasi obě
O ga-amuta akwukwo
Ịga ezi akwụkwọ na-eweta mmụta na mmata. Ndị a na-eweta amanihe na
amamizu. Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye mmadụ orụ aka na aka orụ. Ịga akwụkwọ na-achụ ma na-egbochi
Amaghị nka asụsụ
Amaghị ege ntị
Amaghị echebara ihe
echiche dị omimi
Amaghị agụ ederede na akwụkwọ ndị dịgasị iche iche
Amaghị aghọta ma ọ bụ akota eserese na diagram,
na tebulu, na fịgo ndị dị iche iche
Amaghị atụ ihe na isě ihe
Ịga akwụkwọ na-akụzi nka ndị dị ịche iche
Nka ọgụgụ na odide ihe
Nka e ji aghọta ma ọ bụ. akota eserese na diagram, tebulu, na fịgo gasị
Nka otụtụ na osịsị ihe
Nka nzụlite amamonwe
Nka maka opịpịa ihe gasị
Nka mpiako na nhazi
Nka nzulite aka orụ na orụ aka
Nka maka mkpata na ndokọ ŕkụ
Nka maka mmata aka ọrụ na ọrụ aka
Nka maka ŕmụmihe
Ịga akwụkwọ na-enye mmadụ ike na ikike karịrị akarị n'ih ndị a:
(a) mmata na mmụta maka
Ịchọpụta na idokọ esinaaka
Nyocha esinaakonauche
Ozụzụ ọgụgụ isi
Iji aka na ako onye chọwa ihe ndị ọzọ dịịrị mmadụ mkpa
(b) nka dịgasị iche iche maka:
Ọgụgụ isi na ntụrịch….e
Nchepụta na nhazi ir
Mkpebi esinaọgụgụisi
Iji ako na nka tinye n'echemeche
Ikwu na ibe imeko ihe na ibiko onụ
(gb) Mmaraonwe y.b. mmadụ imara onwe ya site n’ijụ ma ichọpụtasị oziza ajụjụ ndị a:
Onye/gịnị ka m bụ?
Olee ihe ndịm nwere ike imeli?
Aga m ejiko aka m nọrọ duu n'agbaghị mbo ọ bụla n'ihi na onye kwe, chi onye ahụ ekwetakwala?
(c) ngwa ndị na-ezipụta na mmadụ adịrịla ezigbo niikere maka ibi nke oma
n’ụwa nke ubu a:
Orụ aka na aka orụ pụtara ěhe e jiri mara onye
Mkpata akụ na-abawanye ma na-amụwanye, kwa daa, kwa izu, kwa onwa, kwa afo
Nkwere n’onwe onye n’ime ihe ọ bụla
(d) mmadụ ihụ onwe ya n’ụzo zịri ezi na n’emume kwụrụ oto. Nke a ga-enyere mmadụ aka ikwusị ike na:
O bụ m di ihe a. Ọ bụghị onye ọzọ. Eji m anya m ahụ ụzo ma werekwa ntị nke m na-anụ ihe
Aga m emeli ihe a n’eleghị onye ọzọ anya, n’ajụghị onye ọzọ nke a na-eme
Ọgbọ dị iche, ibe dị iche
Otu nne na-amụ man ọ bụghị otu chi na-eke
Onye kwe, chi ya ekwe
Mmadụ ibu onwe ya
n’eleghị anya n’azụ
Mmadụ itinye onwe
ya niile, ndu ya niile, ike ya niile, echichle ye niile, n’ịhe ọ bụla ọ na-eme n’ajụghị ihe (ojoo) ga-esi na ya pụta
Ịga akwụkwọ bụ oke ihe. Ọ na akụziri mmadụ nka ndị a bụ ọkachasị ibe ha:
(i) nka ntoala,
Maka ọgụgụ na odide
Ọnụọgụgụ na nọmba
Iji akara, ma eserese na fịgo dịgasị iche mee ihe
Otụtụ na osisi gbasara aka na uhịe: volum, aro, ago, njem
(ii) nka maka obibi ndu gbasara nzụlite onwe
Opịpịa ihe
Mkpezi na nhazi
Mwughari ihe - iji nke a rie/mee nke a
(iii) nka enwemakaolụ maka
Mmụta akaolụ na olu aka
Nzulite aka olụ na olu aka
Nzụlite akpamakụ
Mmụwanye na
ntowanye
Nka omụmụ ihe
(iv) nka maka amụmihe ebighị ebi, agwụ agwụ
N'ezie, igụ akwụkwọ abụghị nnanị maka inweta asambodo e ji achọ ọlụ oyibo ma ọ bụ e ji agụwanye akwụkwọ. Ọ bụ maka izụ mmadụ, ahụ mmadụ dum, obodo niile na agbụrụ niile ka mmepe na ọganiihu wee jupụta n'echiche na n'echemeche ndị mmadụ na mba ha.
O bụ maka ịzụ anu ahụ mmadụ na nke ime mmụo ya. Ọ bụ maka ịzụ anya onye ka ọ na-aru ma ọ bụ rụkarịa olụ dịịrị ya. Ka mmadụ wee nwee ike leruo ihe anya
iji hụ nsi osa na
iji mara anya nke e lere ele na nke a rọrọ arọ. Ọ bụ maka ịzụ echiche ndị mmadu ka ha wee mata na tutuu nwe
ọhŕ, mana ọhŕ nwekwa tutuu; na ofe
na-atọ ka ọkwụrụ ma n'agbaghị mkpụrụ ka ọkwụrụ abụghị ofe ọkwụrụ. Ịga akwukwọ na-azụ imi mmadụ ka ọ nwee ike iminyere imi na
mmiri ịchọpụta ebe ndị mmụo si abata n'elu ụwa. Ịgụ akwụkwọ na-azụ ire mmad ka ọ dị ire, nti mmadụ ka ọ wee nwe ike mata myiri na
ndịiche dị n'etiti egbe na egbe. Ọ bụrụ na iga akwụkwọ bụchasịrị ihe ndị a niile anyị kwuputarala, ọ bụ gini bụ mbunuuche ndị a na asị na:
Unů na-ŕgu akwụkwọ,
Anyi ŕna-ŕgu egō,
Fa ncha bụ
Onye na-asị na igụ akwụkwọ na igụ ego bu otu ihe na-agwa ụwa niile na ọ maghị asụsụ Igbo ma ncha. Isi ngwaa a bụ – gụ dị n’ịgụ akwụkwọ na igụ onụ (ego) abụghị otu n'ụtoasụsụ Igbo, na na nghọta ha. Akwụkwọ enweghị onụ ma ọ nọmba: A naghị agụ ya ka e si agu ego nwere onụ na nọmba. Ka ị sị na ị ma nke a, I mazigo nke ọzọ ahụ? Ya bụ, onye sị na ịgụ akwụkwọ na ịgụ ego bụ otu, ihe ọ na-agwa uwa niile bụ na ọ bụ iti, iti bolibo, okpe,
mumu, ewu Nupe! Ọ na-agwa uwa niile na ọ maghị na amaghị akwụkwọ, amaghị agụ na amaghị
Ebe ndị ọzọ na-ekwu maka yunion – European
Union, Africa Union – ọ ka na-ekwe maka Ọtọnọmọs komuniti. N’ebe ndị ọzọ n’ụwa ugbu a nnukwute kompịnị ole na ole na-ejikozị aka abụrụ otu agadaga kompịnị, ọ ka na-ekwu maka kompịnị nke ya na ụmụ ya nwoke naanị. Ịhe ụwa ugbuluaka a, abụkwaghị nwa Arọ iche, mkpọọla iche, nwa ọhụhụ/isoma ichie; amaala iche, nwaofo iche. Ọ bụ aka weta, aka weta, onụ eju. Ọ bụ a gbakọọ nwa mmiri ọnụ, ọ gbaa ụfụfụ. Ọ bụ ihe kwụrụ, otụtụ ihe ndị ọzọ akwụnyere ya. Ọ bụ ony aghala nwanne ya. Ịgwebụike. Onye naanị ya kwụzi ugbu a, odudu emee ya otụtụ ihe! Onye na-agaghị akwụkwọ agaghị aghọta izụ a, ugbu a. Onye na-amaghị akwụkwọ ọ nwere ike nwee otu agadaga ụlo, ma ọ dịghị ụzo e sị aga ya. N’ime onụ olụ ọ bụla dị n’ụlo ya, e nwere televịshọn (na Akwụkwọ Nsọ) Mana ọ dịghị nkọwaọkwu ọ bụla n’ụlo ahụ niile. N’oge ugbu a, olee eve onye, na ndị dị etu a, ji azụ aga? Ọkpaakụerieri. Mmirịnaezonaọkọchị. Ibe ya jiri ugbo elu
na-aga njem, ọ were moto abalị ebe ọ ga-anọ n’obere oche! Ọ were bụrụ ụka bụrụ ilulu.
IGBO OR IGBOID
Mba na-achị n’olu n'olu
Ma na-asụ n’olu n’olu
Mana ha kwaa ụkwara
O daa kwa kwa kwa
O daa n'olu olu
Time was when it was fashionable to be Igbo. It was then a mark of achievement to
know and speak Igbo, with pride and gusto especially among the neighbours of the Igbo. Northcote Thomas recorded in 1914 that
during those times it was nothing strange beyond the Nsukka frontier to find ‘a
knowledge of Igbo extendịng fully one day’s match into Igara country but no correspondịng knowledge of Igara on the Ibo side of the frontier.’ The Ovie of Abraka paid tribute
and received recognition from the Obi of Abo. Igbo ritualists, smiths and
traders from the Igbo heartland were not strangers in Isokoland, Ogoniland and
Ijoland. Just as Igala, Nupe and Idoma traders were common sights in Ohambele
in Ndokiland. On the southern flank at least in the Niger Delta, at that time,
and up to fairly recently, it was fashionable and a mark of achievement to be
born of an Igbo mother. For the belief was that:
Onye nne ya na-abughị onye Igbo
O naghị aba n'ihe
CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ
CHIAKPII CHIAKPII wọọọ
Once upon a time Timer
Once upon a time and it was a very long time ago, the Igbo, the Yoruba the Edo
among many others of their present day neighbours,
spoke one very big language. Then some 6000 years ago, so say some historians
of language, the Igbo, the Yoruba and the
And all these came to pass. Then came the Europeans as traders, missionaries
and colonial administrators. And Igboland was conouered by force. And sacred
Igbo institutions, icons and their language got into a terrible bind. And the
English Language was subtlely introduced and imposed through the Education
Codes and Ordinances, grants-in-aid to Schools, and the missionary activities
of the Catholics, especially during the Sanahan and post-Sanahan eras. The
massive bombardment of all these on the Igbo psyche led some of them to the
point of believing that 'the native' was a bushman who continued to use his
language. The new elite - the Igbo kotuma otue ntu, the interpretes, the
cashiers and the non-Igbo colonial administl.ators carried out all their
transactions in English, not Igbo. Then came the 'great' Igbo Orthography Question
- that big ferocious storm in a tea Cl.lP perpetrated, fuelled and confounded
by the CMS and the RCM over the writing of just a few letters of the Igbo
Alphabet. So, from 1929 - 1961, no serious creative literahlre was produced in
the Igbo Language. Afigbo (1981), and Emenanjo (1974: 1993) among others, have
said most of all there is to say about how the Igbo were used by the Igbo to
underdevelop their language.
Then came the Nigeria-Biafra War. And the Igbo were again conouered by force.
And this came with a new type of linguistic dilemma - the displacement of
glossotomy or languag unity, with glossogamy or language splitting. On the eve
of the Biafran adventure, the Igbo had a high profile in
One of our weak points as a people is that we do not know how to manage crises,
adversity failure or misfortune. As an either... or people not a both...and people
we cannot understand, let alone reconcile why, in Chinese, the symbol for
crises and adversity is the same for challenge, prosperity, success, growth and
development. As something likeu, a NothIng People when we charter a society
association or group in the interest or service of our people we seem to make
it our own, not allowing for new or other synergies and conglomerate action.
Why is it that we have so many societies today' fighting' for Ndị Igbo'? Where is Otu Iwelite
Asusu na Omenaala Igbo - The Society For
Promoting Igbo Language and Culture? Why was Igbo Language Association never
allowed to stand?
Okwu m chighaa. With the Fallen House of Biafra, many Igbo-speaking peoples and
groups started to say that they are no longer Igbo. This has resulted in new
myths of origin in certain communities. If it is not
Ihe Ọkwa Ekwe
Nŕ-Ekwu
Unu gbaa akwa mměri gafere anyịm
gbasaghị m
Ma ọ bụ kwọrọ ụgbọ gaa onwa
Ma ọ bụ wuo ụlọ elů
Nke ọla edň gbůru
egň
Mgbe unů eleghěghŕrị Asụsụ na Ňmenŕŕlŕ unů anya
Ihe unů nŕ-eme agbasaghị m
Unu gaa Roshịŕ mŕ ọ bů gaa Amerikŕ
Unů mara sụọ Frenchị ma ọ bụ dee Jaman
Ma ọ bụ gaa ụka na London ma ọ bụ na Rome
Unů mara sọm mŕ ọ bụ mara anya ahịa
Mgbe asụsụ unů nŕ-ŕdachigha ŕzụ
Ihe unů nŕ-eme agbŕsaghị m
J.C. Obienyem in Akpa Uche pp. 64-5.
Add that in the spelling practices, the Onwu Orthography and the conventions in
use for Igbo since 1961 had to be re-written in all sorts of ways to de-Igbonize them. An agu can discredit its agutude. But it
cannot disown it. Or wish it away. It cannot. Never ever!
THE IGBO LANGUAGE AND HUMAN COMMUNICATION
There is nothing new in the observation that there is a one-to-one relationship
between language and culture, especially, among a people for who there has not
been any language shift and language death. Nor is there any originality in the
view that not everything in the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis was headed in the wrong
direction. In spite of all that have happened to the Igbo people and their
culture, their language has shown a great deal of resilience and vitality,
moreso in the spoken medium. The ire-cult survives in the njakili phenomenon
which has become a veritable source for word-smithery in the Igbo language.
This is found especially among the agbero, mechanics, petty traders, members of
the underworld, popular musicians, itinerant magicians, acrobats and vendors of
all sorts of mechandịse including Christianity, pimps and prostitutes, and their fellow travellers. There now exist hundreds if not
thousands of words, structures, proverbs, anecdotes, wellerisms, as well as
slang, argots, and colloquialisms in the Igbo lexicon. It will not be
out-of-place to hypothesize that all these may constitute a subculture language
of its own, completely closed to outsiders. This language is full of Igbo words
with new 'underground' meanings, Engligbo and X-Igbo, where X is any language
in contact with Igbo.
If a new 'underground' language for which Igbo is the substratum currently
co-exists with Igbo, this is simply because languag is essentially a medium for
intra-group human communication in response to the many variables of its
dynamic environments and needs. The Igbo language has always been a link and
bridge between and among the people rather than a gulf or a gully. Over the
6000 years of its existence, the dialects of Igbo were always media for mutual
understandịng through mutual intelligibility. How?
(i) Human communication, in the same language, but,
in different dialects, is only possible among those who share genetically the
same linguistic community and so 'feel they belong to the same language and
believe they speak alike in all respects' (Martinet: 1967).
(ii) Igboland constitutes one culure area and, by the same token, one
linguistic community: The Igbo linguistic communiiy is a very large one in
terms of territory, terrains and population. A large culture area, of
necessity, has sub-culture areas. In many respects, dialects are the linguistic
equivalents of subcultures.
(iii) When people belong to the same culture area, speak the same language but
use different dialects, they are more concerned with understandịng what is said rather than
the way it is said. At their relaxed moments, they
make fun of and laugh at the idiosyncracies of the different ways they all say
the same thing. With time, these idiosyncratic ways begin to disappear and we
have the emergence of a spoken standard. 'What disappears when the speakers of
different dialects of the same language meet and speak, each speaking his own
dialect are for th'e mot part those peculiarities which people first - or
always notice - in others and are inclined to make fun of (Jespersen: 1946).'
(iv) Human language is essentially a cultural construct. It is a sociofact, a
mentifact and a artifact fashioned by man for intra-group communication. It is
a behaviour that is learned and used by all who believe they belong together in
the same culture area.
(v) In spite of present-day differences in the surface structures of different
Igbo dialects, they share lots of common things in their underlying structures,
from sounds to meanings. Emenanjo' s (1981) comparative study of auxiliaries in
the grammar of Igbo reveals that there are correspondences between the various
dialectal elements used to express negation, tense and aspect across Igbo
dialects. These elements include auxiliaries, tones and tonal patterns which
are extraordinarily stable and systematic. Anagbogu's (1991) study of
nominalization, Uwalaka's (1983) study of verbal-nominal combinations,
Nwachukwu's (1975) study of noun phrase sentential complementation or Igwe's
(1974) study of afiixes in the grammar of Igbo, all these reveal unity in basic
structures but diversity in dialectal forms for which regular correspondences
are available across the dialects. Armstrong's (1967) Comparative Word Lists of
Five Igbo Dialects reveals 'one striking unifying factor which is obvious from
these lists. There is an extraordinary stability of tone through the whole
range of dialects studied. Igbos who speak or understand other dialects than
their own are relying to a very great extent on tone. Tones are one of the
principal means to mutual intelligibility of dialects.' Tones are also basic if
not precondịtions for the mutual 'modification' or 'accommodation' of
dialectal forms, when 'unsophisticated, rural', 'traveled' and 'intelligent'
Igbo people meet and have to communicate in Igbo. These were the first-hand
field experiences and findịngs of foreigners like Westermann
(1929), Ward (1935; 1941) and Green (1936) concerning how and why the Igbo
handle the issue of one language, many dialects. But the significant thing
about their findịng for us now is this - they all predate the application of lexicostalistics to the study of the Igbo language. They all
predate the introduction of glossogamy into Igbo studies. They all were carried
out at a time when the Igbo had not become a problem to
(vi) Human language is essential to human communication. But human
communication involves much more than speech sounds arranged in a structured
systems of words, phrases and meanings. It is a complex and intangible
phenomenon that is linked to and associated with many variables which unclude
physical well being, one's definition and identification of self and group,
socia1 needs, the nature of direct and indịret experiences within and beyond self and group. It involves
dialogue and is thus bidirectional, context-sensitive, culture-driven,
simultancous, relatively unstructured, with an
interdependence of participants requiring explicit and immediate feedback.
Human communications only meaningful in communication contexts in which all the
interlocutors who may be two, many or a mass, may be in private or in public.
It may be intra-cultural or extra-cultural. So crucial and critical is human
communication to the definition of man-in-society that the normal literate
person is believed to spend some 70% of his working hours daily communicating.
And so central is human: communication to human understandịng and intra-, and extra
group cohesion that words alone are not and cannot be the only carriers of
meaning, in a speech act. This is what is called 'The Container Fallacy'
(Haney: 1986). Human communication through speech is conveyed by verbal and none-verbal cues. Non-verbal cues include spatial,
temporal, visual and body movements. It is estimated that well over 700,000
possible signs can be transmitted via body movements in the form of eye movements,
facial expressions, body mannerisms that accompany speech acts, dresses and
costumes, hand gestures, voice cues: volume, loudness, timbre, pitch - among
other features of paralanguage. Verbal and non-verbal communication are
mutually complementary and mutually reinforce, replace or even contradict each
other and one another. Whereas non-verbal cues are known to convey messages
that are prmarily relational or emotional, the verbal ones convey messages that
are lexical - and lingual. For relational., emotional and lexical communication
to effectively take place, the participants must belong to the same speech
community, speak the same language, dialects notwithstandịng, enjoy robust and warm
relationships which filter all the interference and noise which are associated
with mistrust, anger or confusion; the impenetrable
barriers to mutual understandịng, desired feedback, misconception, distortion, improved
relationships and action. When all these condịtions are met, the input will produce the desired output, and
the receiver's meaning will be equal to the
sender's meaning. When all these condịtions are met it is then, and only then, that real communication
takes place. In terms of verbal communication per se, of the four crucial
language skills that make up the total communication time, 53% is expended on Listening, 16% on Speaking, 17% on
(i) They have become serious victims of the virus of
glossogamy, a post-Biafran epidemic in parts of Igboland; or
(ii) They have refused to use and exploit the potentials inherent and genetic
in intra-Igbo communication;
(iii) They are completely devoid of, and lacking the LAD - devices and the
audio-oral skills in Igbo; or
(iv) They have forgotten that as a component of ethnicity and group awareness,
human language can be used to give or hide information as well as to
communicate and exclude; or
(v) They are being plainly and fashionably dishonest playing to the gallery of
those who are slavishly interested in the phenomenon of Igbomosaic; or
(vi) They have refused to heed the findịngs in the Container Theory or the warnings of honest historians
or archeologist of language, and of
psychologists and sociologists of human communication, that words alone without
empathic listening are meaningless in intra-group communication within the same
speech community. Some more words about glottochronology and its handmaid,
lexicostatistics, for creating so many 'new' languages out of the Igbo language
Hicks and Gwynne (1996) and Renfrew (1987), among very many others, have drawn
attention to the many flaws in glottochronology - and lexicostatistics as
techniques for historical linguistics and dialectology. In the words of Renfrew
(1987: 117) 'Glottochronology in its single assumption is just too good to be
true. Onwuejeogwu (1975) has drawn attention to some fundamental problems in
the application of lexicostatistics in the study of Igbo. And this critique not
only forced Williamson to look again at the technique but also to change the
nomenclature and classification of Igbo from the Izi Ekpey Group of Related
languages or language cluster to the Lower Niger Languages which are
essentially all dialects of Igbo. The title of Paul and Inge Meier and John
Bendor-Samuel's 1973 book Grammar of Izi: An Igbo Language is mischievious,
patronizing and misleading for imposing Euro-American post-Biafran prejudices
on Igbo, and mixing politics with academics in general, and linguistics, in
particlar. How about a title like this for a book on English linguistics: A
Grammar of Cockney: An English Language?
IGBO LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
Language is primarily spoken. It's survival in the spoken medium is the mark of
a people robustly loyal to their language. But its survival in robust creative
literature and other literary classics is the mark of a true civilization. For,
it is the texts in all the genres of literature, and other ancillary and
cognate areas, like phiosophy, literary critisism and stylistics that valorize
and perpetuate a language and its civilization. Even if the language eventually
dies! Not the linguistic studies or grammars in or about the language. In the
use of the Igbo language for creative literary purposes, orature appears to
have done better than written literature. With Igbo orature, the genres have
been largely identified and established, their structures or forms have also
been identified. Hefty collections of some ọ these have been made and studied. While the minor genres have
been reduced to writing (even if amateurishly) - the folktales, proverbs,
songs, poems, anecdotes, tongue twister, conundrums; the more mature genrs, -
the epics, the sagas and the extended prose
narratives are only now beginning to have serious mention in the collections
and critiques of the Azuonyes, the Okpehwos, the Ugonnas and the Uzochukwus,
among others. It is unfortunate that the rich corpora of tales, epics and sagas
which where being collected from the Aguleri areas of Anambra State and studied
by the Nsukka School of Igbo Studies under the assiduous professional
leadership of the Azuonyes and the Udechukwus, have suffered some serious
setbacks with the 'brain drain' that has taken away the duo. For example, from
some of the corpora collected and studied under their guidance, it has been
established that there are tales which take one long (big) Igbo week i.e. eight
days, to tell. I have in my corpora an egwu une, partly narrative and partly
sung to the accompainment of the une, a string instrument, a folktale collected
from Ibusa. I have transcribed this in some fifty pages of A.4 paper, typed.
There is not much problem collecting orature by the professionals. But there is
with its transcription. Two problems, among others, stand out. What is the
nature of the 'line' in Igbo poesy? For the scholars in the Lagos School of
Igbo Studies, 'something' appears to have been extablished. But this
'something' was not quite acceptable to the late Prof. Donatus Nwoga who was
battling with this problem at the time that he left. The second problem - the
dialect into which the text should be rendered. I believe it should be in the
dialects of the performers. Attempts to reduce texts to the sound system and
orthography of a Central or Standard variety of Igbo does irreparable damage to
the spontaneity vibrancy, unioueness, and authenticity of these texts. Texts
collected in any lect or variety of Igbo should be faithfully reproduced in
writing, in the lect or variety of the performers with their entire local
colour, phonological and structural idiosyncrasies, in full and intact. To do
anything different, as the scholars of the
But why has creativity in written Igbo not fared so well? The Orthography
controversy? The Dialect issue? The linguistic and literary 'immaturity' of the
practitioners? The neglect of publishers and the formal school system: The
absence of receptive and willing audience? The abandonment of literature in
Igbo by the 'mature' Igbo creative writers for Literature in English? The
genres of Igbo written literature? The shape or structure of the serious,
well-crafted prose narrative: cylindrical, curvilinear or linear? Then, the
language of creative Igbo literature? Emenyonu's Rise of the Igbo Novel is good
schlarship in mellifulous prose for which Emenyonu is known. That book is now a
classic. But is it conceived, executed, titled and headed in the right
direction? Some scholars brought up in the Euro-American and Anglo-Saxon
traditions of literature see everything right and exellent about the contents
and argumentation in the book, and tend to trivialize the reactions of scholars
of African literature in African languages, to the praxis and crisis of
identity thrown up by the text.
Ladies, and Gentlemen, what really is creative literature? It is, simply put,
the use of language to create domes of pleasure. It is the use of language
through displacement and the exploitation of deviation in its multifarious
forms, to provide entertainment, provide food for thought and thought for food
for the readers wherever they might find themselves - Ala Bingo Otu Ebe, Ala
Iduu, Erewhon, Utopia, Umuofia, Wonderland, Treasure Island etc. Essential to
the definition of literature is human language. If written literature is meant
to grow from and expand the horizons of the orature of a culture and its people
in THE language autochthonous to the culture and its people, shouldn't the
written literature of a culture and its people be in THE language indịgenous to the culture and
its people? If one of the definitions of poetry is the best words in the best
order, or whatever was thought but never so
well expressed In a named language should the best words in English crafted'to
the best order in English be used to express a poem in Igbo? The essential
difference between English Literature and Literature in English lies somewhere
between endogamy and autochthony - right there in the bowels of identity.
Now, lastly, - another impression and another problem for Igbo written
literatur. Shouldn't great literature flow from the barrels of spontaneity in
tranquility? Omenụkọ, Akpa Uche, Udo Ka Mma are the firsts in their respective
genres. And all of them were thrown up by literary competitions. Competitions
have time frames. They are prize-driven. They are context-sensitive. They are
mechanical. Great written literature takes time
to be. It consumes celebral energy. It is not written for a prize or to raise
money, like Rasselas. It is not even written by those with formal training in
creative writing and literary criticism. Tony Ubesie's works were all written
before he went to the university. His Isi Akwu Dara N'Ala and Jụọ Obinna are
great prose narratives. Tony Ubesie confided in me that his biro went dry after
his exposure to literary aesthetic in the university. The posthumous
festschrift we have put together in his honour is
seeing its debut at Ahiajọku 2001. The Igbo language can do with many more Ubesies in the
different genres of creative literature - short stories, novels, plays, poems,
faction, etc, etc. Let people write in their dialects if they are not comfortable in or conversant with Standard Igbo. (But why shouldn't they
be?) And here I agree with Chinua Achebe. If the works are good and with great
potentials they can be re-done in Standard Igbo or translated into English and
other Languages by competent hands who should not distort the flavour, the
internal logic and dynamics of the works. But will we be ready to read the
prose narratives and go to the theatres to watch the plays, and buy the printed
texts?
LITERACY AMONG THE IGBO
Literacy in Igbo is very low and I doubt that our people are a theatre-going
people. Our people are very selective in expendịng their money on written texts. Hence church bulletins and
denominational newspapers are rarely bought by the faithful. Given my very
close association with publishing houses as an editor,
a literary agent and assessor, I am aware of hundreds of texts in genres of all
sorts IN Igbo.
Some of them are of excellent quality. All these are begging to be published.
Publishers, we all know, are into hard-nosed business: not into vanity
publishing and philanthropy! Can the Igbo governments of today in all the Igbo
states not follow the example of the Literature Bureau of the early colonial
governments? And can these governments not help out with Igbo newspapers like
the Ogene of old? Abiola is no longer there to give us Udoka. Neither is Ogbalu
there to give us Anyanwu. We hope Nzisa, which the Catholic Archdiocese of
Owerri has established, will succeed and survive like the Odenigbo Lecture
Series. What as become of the Imo State Anu - A Journal of Igbo Arts and
Culture; the defunct Anambra State Ugo, and the extant Abia State Onwa? All
these are veritable outlets for creativity and analyses in Igbo. They all
should be revived. For me, these count much more than the Mmanwu Festival of
NCHIKOTA, NA MKPOKOTA
What we have tried to present you in this year's festival is an okwu, an uka,
an ilu, an ụkŕbụilu - all these rolled into one. Where is the cohesion? Where
are the links? Our interpretation of civilization is not one about large empires and monarchies, military campaign and conquests, big
feats and the subjugation of othcrs. No. Civilization for us, is a mental
construct populated by ideals, fired by ideas which are the undersoil of Igbo
life and cosmos: the four cults that motivate and moderate the Igbo, respect
for traditional authority in age and in other institutions including
constituted authority; the inscrutability and fear of God, reverence for life
and the awe and usefulness of death; wisdom to appreciate that man, nations and
civilizations are not great by the virtue of their wealth but by the wealth of
their virtues; wisdom to distinguish between appearance and reality, and the
ephemeral (Ezemfu the wastrel; ụzọ nkụ, enyi) from the permanent (Ezeji: the achiever; ụzọ mmiri; ụzọ). We have argued against group illiteracy and the dropout
syndrome. We have emphasized that illiteracy is a sin, a mortal sin; a crime, a
capital crime. Illiterate people are liabilities. They have no dreams, no
theoretical thinking, no strategic planning.
They have no focus and lack long term durable ideals. They lack all the skills
of language and cannot use language to articulate ideas. They cannot engage in
geometric reasoning and can neither be proactive nor synergize. They lack Stevn
Cowen's seven attributes of the Effectiveness, and the seven desirable virtues
in the Vision 2010 Report needed to steer
The Igbo of the 21st century must see education for what it is - the summation
of all the processes for developing abilities, attitudes and all other forms of
positive attributes needed for self and group socialization, realization and
the total empowerment; the acquisition of skills of all sorts including the
skill of being civilized. Ability to live with problems and paradoxes and find
solutions to them. We need language transmission in Igboland. We abhor the
issue of lack of inter-generational transmission leading to language shift, and
the absence of language loyalty among the Igbo. There are, among the Igbo,
population movements, urbanization, mixed marriages, pressures to learn the
official language. These should not be seen as liabilities but as challenges to
the Igbo language - and the Igbo people.
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
CHAKPII wọọọ
Igbo and Igboid have been used in this work as metaphors. Igbo is unity with
diversity; Igboid, diversity without unity. Word compoundịng, derivational processes
and holistic dualism in the language of the civilization point
in the direction of one rather than of the other? Kedụ nke anyị chọ?
THANKS AND APPRECIATION
Permit me now, Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies and Gentleman, to do the
first thing last. Thanks and appreciation. I feel
highly elated. My family, friends and associates feel very happy. My discipline
feels fully recognized, for all the honour done to all of us for being the
first Ahiajọku lecturer in the new millenium. We thank, most profusely, all
those who have made this possible.
Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ
Alawala m, nụ
Amaala, mma mma nụ
Alawala m, nụ
Igbo bụ Igbo mma mma nụ
Alawala m, nụ
Naịjirịa kwezuonụ
Alaala m
Naịjirịa alaala m nụ
Kwezuonụ
E. Nolue Emenanjo
National Institute for Nigerian Languages, Aba
OPERATION
KPOCHAPU
By OBU UDEOZO[MSOffice4],
with swords
longer than one year
and
sharper than acid
horse whips and python clubs
they combed the
teeth of every rock
armpits of mountains
bowels of forests
and
surveilled ant-holes across the land
for Igbos to
roast across the land
waves, upon
waves, upon waves
trainloads,
trailers, and trucks,
in wheelbarrows
and body bags;
football fields
and market squares
their massacre was
aflame...
Igbos blossomed
in graveyards
saturating streets
with blood and bones
from
Kafanchan to
Fadan Karshi,
from
Igbos were cleansed
from rooftops and market squares
until the ocean vanished
and the sea surrendered
her last plea of moisture...
-and they are not
appeased
their revenge is aflame...
the universe
froze
at the ferocity
of mankind
darkness ruled
the hearts of men
and daylight
vomited blood
and reconstructed
graveyards
groaned from
saturations afresh
in streetsful of
dead Igbos
the climate was:
blood and bones
but these they
labelled flies
void census and statistics
for their revenge
is aflame...
with the pogrom’s
switch
in automatic mode
and the 3-year
war on song
Nweke Udeozo
my father said:
witness history’s
first
colour blind
marriage across the compass;
Communism and the
West
in a strange and
sudden tango
to pepper Igbos
with
one annihilating
blow...
Agrippa and Pilate’s
romance
over the blood of Christ
and our brothers
arrived in fractions
our brothers
arrived as spare
parts
Gabriel Okoh, Theo Okeke, ...
Chief George Mbonu; and
Mrs. Adekunle whose knife
is sacred but her teeth
craves forbidden meat:
punctiliously signalled Nwandu to the
assassins...
from
rooftops to
market squares
until the ocean
vanished
and the dark
census awakes:
ỤZỌ NDỤ NA EZIOKWU
Towards an Understanding of Igbo Traditional Religious Life and Philosophy
by
Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Onwu
1. INTRODUCTION
Ndi Igbo have suffered the double misfortune of being misunderstood and having
a bad press. In spite of their stupendous achievements in every area of human
endeavour, particularly in science and technology, religion and education, the
Igbo nation has been deliberately and systematically marginalized. At the risk
of sounding patriotic and accommodating, Ndi Igbo have suffered the loss of
their human rights and dignity but have also shown great courage and
determination to survive as a people.
The questions arise. What is it that keeps Ndi Igbo going despite all odds?
What is it that makes them behave, act, and move the way they do? What is the
power behind the Igbo? Why was Igbo religion in conflict with Christianity? Why
do the Igbo love the Christian way of life? The answers to these questions are
the main focus of this paper.
These answers definitely are rooted in the traditional religious life and
philosophy of Ndi Igbo. It has been rightly observed that the Igbo are a highly
religious people. Writing about the Igbo in the early 1900, Major A.G. Leonard
in his book The Lower Niger and Its Peoples remarked that:
They are in the strict and natural sense of the word a truly and a deeply
religious people, of whom it can be said that they eat religiously, drink
religiously, bathe religiously, dress religiously and sin religiously. In a few
words, the religion of these as I have all along endeavored to point out is
their existence and their existence is their religion.
This observation is not only true of the Igbo but also of other Africans.
Professor J.S. Mbiti (1969:1) more than fifty years later in the opening
sentence of the very first chapter of his book, African Religions and
Philosophy has re-echoed similar statement which summarized the traditional
religious attitude of Africans when he said:
Africans are notoriously religious, and each people has its own religious
system with a set of beliefs and practices. Religion permeates into all the
departments of life so fully that it is not easy or possible always to isolate
it. A study of these religious systems is therefore, ultimately a study of the
people themselves in all complexities of both traditional and modem life.
Religion is the strongest element in traditional background, and exerts
probably the greatest influence upon the thinking and living of the people
concerned.
Similarly, after observing how religion thoroughly permeated the life of every
Igbo, Bishop Shanahan was cited by John P. Jordan (1971:115) as having come to
the conclusion that:
The average native (Igbo), was admirably suited by environment and training,
for an explanation of life in terms of the spirit; rather than of the flesh. He
was no materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind than a materialist
philosophy of existence. It made no appeal to him.
In the context of this paper, Igbo religion and philosophy are perceived as two
sides of the same coin which Leonard, Shanaham and Mbiti acknowledged. In order
to understand and arrive at the meaning of Igbo religion and philosophy, it is
not necessary to engage in a definition or analysis of concepts. On this I
agree with Kunirum Osia that this is because in Igbo, religious categories are
not bound together in a purely ideal order. The categories do not form a
system, a bundle of abstractions, as it were. Rather, they define a style of
life, and a guide to practical living. Unlike the major world religions, Igbo
religion is not codified or formulated into systematic dogmas. It is culturally
learned and adopted. It is a tradition. Religion is an intrinsic part of
culture. Culture is itself the totality of knowledge and behaviour, ideas and
objects that constitute the common heritage of a people in a given society. And
as a lifestyle, culture covers every aspect of the society's life in their
efforts to relate with their environment, with one another and as well as the
ideational elements within the society. Scholars agree that they are layers of
culture. Kato (1976:8) had identified the philosophical level of culture as its
core. Philosophical not in the sense of abstraction but in the sense of reality
-- what is viewed as the real thing that gives answers to life's problem. The
philosophical level is the basic thinking or idea of a community. It answers
the question as to what gives meaning to life. Close to this hard core of
culture is the mythical level, which is made up of the basic beliefs of the
people, which gives meaning to life. In a sense, people's culture constitutes
their beliefs, customs, ethos, and manners which of course enshrine morality.
Whereas, on the one hand, cultural elements can be discerned from the people's
religion, the people's religion itself is an intrinsic part of the people's
culture in a broader sense. Therefore studying one is by implication studying
some of the vital elements of the other. Philosophy is therefore the heart of
culture.
Religion and philosophy are therefore concerned with the beliefs and practices
of the people. T. U. Nwala (1985:26) in his book Igbo Philosophy argues that
the best word or concept which expresses Igbo philosophy is Omenala or Omenanị which literally means that
which obtains in the land or community and refers to what accords with the customs and traditions of the Igbo people. For
Nwala, Igbo philosophy is the philosophy of Omenala, Omenala referring to the
spirit, the underlying principal or idea behind a particular custom/act. The
inseparability of the two concepts are similarly recognized by Professor N.S.S.
lwe when he argued that the African, Traditional Religion is inseparably
interwoven with the traditional African society and culture. This is because
African traditional religion is essentially a philosophy and a spiritual way of
life, which permeates, pervades and animates the traditional social
institution, norms and celebrations. Nwala (1985:112-200) also agreed with the
inseparability of Igbo religion and philosophy. He rightly noted that generally
a people or an individual may have a philosophy but no religion, but no people
or individual may have a religion without a philosophy. Religion and philosophy
are intimately related both in the belief and practice content. We must note
here that every Igbo ritual act - sacrifice, dance, festival, has a philosophy
or idea behind it; it is such an idea that motivates such act. Both involve
basic belief, a philosophy, an underlying principle, or an idea, which generate
actions and behaviours, which influence individual or group. Therefore it is
obvious that a discussion of traditional Igbo religion must involve a
discussion of Igbo philosophy. The main justifications rest on:
1) That Igbo religion and philosophy are centered on Chukwu, the Supreme God
and
2) The fact that the sacred and the secular are held together. In other words,
the secular life of the Igbo like all other traditional communities has been
inseparable from their religious life. Their cosmology has a deep religious
root and their practical life and moral values are interwoven with their
religion. The only weakness is that their philosophy has often lacked what
Nwala rightly called “critical and analytical content"
The point being emphasized is the appropriateness of the expression Igbo
religion and philosophy. Religion and philosophy originated from native African
soil (Onyewuenyi, 1993) and therefore indigenous to the Igbo as well. Both are
about our way of life, concerned with meaning and explanation.
In other words, the burden of our argument is that one of the challenges of Ndi
Igbo in the 21st century is religious. Therefore, our intention is to engage
.in a hermeneutical exposition of some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy
from the Igbo African point of view. It is here we find the essence of the
reality of Igbo scholarship in the traditional Igbo religion.
I am not, however, ignorant of the propaganda mounted by western writers about
the sub-humanity of Africans as a people without history, without religion,
(Green, 1964:52) denying them any conception of morality (Basden; 1966:34) and
lacking in intellectual and technological accomplishments. I am not unaware of
how African religions in general, and Igbo religion in particular suffered
neglect, misinterpretations and distortions in the hands of missionaries and
colonial government and their agents.
Without any intention to criticize any of these previous writers who had done
veritable work in the study of African religions, our position is rather to
indicate a positive contribution to the on-going quest for a meaningful and
contextual interpretation of some aspects of Igbo religion and philosophy from
the African point of view. The work will draw attention to the great potential
Igbo religion and philosophy hold out for the unity, peace and progress of the
people was well as to argue that Igbo religion and philosophy has been the key
to Igbo self-understanding, identity and achievement within the Nigerian State.
We will emphasise within that context that the religious challenge of the 21st
century is for the Igbo to take a leap of faith and be fully restored in their
relationship with 'Chukwu' first entered into by Igbo first ancestor and to
insist that Christianity and education which act as sources of empowerment
remain the only viable option that can equip the Igbo with character and
knowledge that can transform us into instruments of change in the 21st century
world which is knowledge-based, technology- driven and responsive to
environmental concerns. We will begin this study by probing into the origin of
the Igbo and their religion.
2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION
2.1. Who are the Igbo?
The puzzle about Igbo origin has been attributed to lack of interest in Igbo
studies either from our own people or from outsiders. This problem was
compounded by the fact that some Igbo people did not accept others as being
‘lgbo,’ for instance, Mbieri people did not regard the Onitsha people as ‘Igbo’
(Green, 1964:7; Isichei, 1976:19)
Similarly, some groups in Onitsha who traced their root to Benin kingdom used
the expression 'nwa onye Igbo’ (an Igbo person) in a spiteful manner to refer
to other Igbo people (Onunwa, 1990:2). Most scholars are agreed that there was
no real sense of pan-lgbo identity in the pre-colonial period, that the village
groups felt a strong sense of local patriotism (Isichei, 1976:19; Talbot,
1926:404). The Igbo studies by C. K. Meeks (1937) and M.M. Green (1964) only
helped to perpetuate the bad press the Igbo already had as a lawless and
ungovernable people.
We do not intend to go into the old speculative arguments about the theories of
Igbo origin and expansion. The people we intend to focus on in this work are
found in the South-eastern part of Nigeria and are presently comprised of the
people of Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and parts of Delta, Rivers, Cross
River and Akwa-Ibom States. The Igbo have common boundaries with the Igala and
Idoma on the north, the Ijaw and the Ogoni on the South, the Yako and the
Ibibio on the Eastern boundary and the Bini and Warri on the West. The Igbo
geographical area are what scholars call a culture area, rural or urban,
manifesting distinctive characteristics or traits. Ọnwụejeọgwụ (1975) in his Article
"the Igbo Culture Area" identified six basic traits which include: the linguistic, social, political, economic, ritual, and
cultural traits.
There are five identifiable sub- culture areas within the Igbo culture area
made up of:
(1) Eastern or Cross River Igbo (2) Southern or Owerri Igbo, (3) northern or
Onitsha Igbo (4) Western Igbo and (5) North-Eastern Igbo (Forde and Jones,
1950:10) Inspite of the obvious sub cultural differences, the Igbo see
themselves as one people and at the same time outsiders see them as a
homogeneous entity. They are a unique people. While the Yoruba could find their
kins in Burkina Faso and the Hausa could find their kins in Chad and Niger,
historians are yet to tell us where- the Igbo could be found other than in the
South- eastern part of Nigeria.
In recent times, our scholars have engaged in an exciting and fruitful research
into Igbo origin. Their efforts are highly commendable. Professor A.E. Afigbo
has ably articulated the scholarly views on Igbo origin in his books Ropes of
Sand (1981) and more recent monograph - Igbo Genesis (2000). The weight of
scholarly opinion rests mightily on situating Igbo origin within the Negro race
generally but particularly in
In fact conventional wisdom ostensibly based on earlier discoveries had placed
the origin of man around the
Speculations about Igbo ancestry whether it was Eri as in Nri myth Digbo as
contained in Nwosu’s Ndi Ichie Akwa Mytholody and Folklore Origins of the Igbo
(1983) cannot be historically confirmed. However, both Igbo myth of origin and
archeological discoveries show that Igbo history and culture go far back into
human history.
2.2. ORIGIN OF IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION
2.2.1. VIEWS ON THEORIES OF ORIGINS OF RELIGIONS
As far as we know, all human societies have possessed beliefs and practices
which have come to be grouped and known under the name ‘religion.’ Religion is
thus a universal phenomenon. Speculation about which religion would be superior
has never been of scholarly interest but rather why religion is found at all in
all societies.
The quest for the origins of religion has centered on four main views. The
first refers to the psychological theories, which cover a variety of postulations,
which 1ocate the origin, of religion in primitive people’s concept of ghosts,
the soul and even in the deification of natural phenomena. One of the most
enduring strands was that the origin of religions is in fetishism – worship of
the animate and inanimate things, which the early Portuguese observed in
In sum, all psychological theories agreed that whatever the origin or purpose,
whatever the belief or rituals, religion served to reduce anxiety, and
uncertainly which are common to all people. Second Sociological theories
suggest that religion stems from society's needs. Emile Durkhein recognized
that it is the society not the individual which is the society; not the individual
which distinguishes between sacred and profane things. He suggested that a
sacred object symbolizes the social fact that society considered something
sacred. In other words the sociological theories concentrate on religion as
significant to social solidarity and the integration of the relevant society
within which the feelings, belief and practices are common.
It was argued that societies from ancient times modeled their cosmology after
their own experiences. Aristotle in Politics (1.1.7} tersely stated as follows:
As men imagine gods in human form, so also they suppose their manner of life to
be like their own.
Aristotle's view was extended by later scholars who saw a relationship between
political sophistication and the nature of a people's cosmology (Nwanunobi,
1992:168). Thus Fuste1 de Coulanges argued that ancestor worship as the origin
of religion since in ancient societies before the larger forms of political
organizations: the family was the basis of co-operation and survival.
The third suggestion is the combination of the psychological and sociological
approaches. This position argued that religion is a response to strain or
deprivation which is caused by events in society. Thus, when the society is
stable, its efforts and its energy are employed to maintain its equilibrium.
But when the stability is threatened either by internal dissension or by
outside force, the society many ‘revitalize’ itself by various means. Perhaps
this revita1ization is achieved by a new cult, sect, denomination or religion.
Aberle (1971: 528-531) has argued that relative deprivation, whether economic
or social, is the cause of the stress which generates new religious movements.
Wallace {1966:30) suggested that the threat of societal breakdown forces people
to examine new ways to survive. It is the hope they gain from the new ways -
not deprivation for people can live for centuries in deprivation-which leads
them to revitalize their society.
The last view for the origin of religion which anthropologists and psychologists
do not like to mention is that of revelation. Revelation is God’s disclosure of
himself to man. The Bible tells us in Hebrews 1:1-2, God has in the last days
finally and fully revealed himself to humanity. Christ is the full expression
of God's revelation, better than anything in the Old Testament, and so the
author warns his readers to depend on Christ alone. Igbos believe in God’s
revelation to their ancient ancestors, including revealing his name as Chukwu.
It is with this conviction we now discuss the origin of Igbo traditional
religion.
2.2.2. IGBO TRADITIONL RELIGION: IT'S GENESIS
Our Igbo ancestors were philosophers who were inspired by Chiukwu/Chukwu, the
Supreme Being. In other words, our Igbo ancestors like other ethnic groups received
the revelation of God. Igbo religion is as old as humanity. It is a
well-established fact that religion in
It is for this reason that one comes to the conviction that the Igbo people are
born religious. In Igbo world, time and space, objects and persons are made
sacred. People born into the Igbo world approximate to the spiritual. Thus
people are born with their personal ‘Chi’ or personal god or protective spirit.
The question here is what is the origin of this religious sentiment in the
Igbo? In other words what is the origin of Igbo traditional religion? This
question has not been a scholarly focus. Many renowned Igbo scholars have
written on many aspects of Igbo traditional religion but that question has
never attracted their conscious attention.
Professor A. E. Afigbo (1981:9) in his Ropes of Sand first muted the idea of
the origin Igbo Traditional religion, and I share his insight on the subject.
The history of the origin of Igbo traditional religion must be sought within
Igbo history of origin. Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the hunter and
gatherer of wild edible plants. The tradition of Nri disclosed how the Igbo
entered a settled 1ife which brought him further development of skills.
The Nri Myth has it that the father of all Nri was Eri. When Eri was sent by
Chukwu from the Sky to the earth, he sat on an anti-hill because he saw watery
marshy earth. When Eri complained to God Chukwu, sent an Awka blacksmith with
his fiery bellow and charcoal to dry the earth. After the assignment, the Awka
blacksmith was given ọfọ as a mark of authority for his smithing profession. While Eri
lived, Chukwu fed him and his people with azu-igwe! But this special food ceased after the death of Eri. Nri his first
son complained to Chukwu for food. Chukwu ordered Nri to sacrifice his first
son and daughter and bury them in separate graves. Nri complied with it. Later
after three-Igbo-weeks (Izu atọ = 12 days) yam grew from the grave of the
son and cocoyam from that of the daughter. When Nri and his people ate these,
they slept for the first time; later still Nri killed a male and female slaves
burying them separately. Again, after Izu Ato, an oil palm grew from the grave
of the male slave, and a bread fruit tree (ukwa) from that of the female-slave
(Afigbo, 1981:41-42). With this new food supply, Nri and his people ate and
prospered. Chukwu asked him to distribute the new food items to all people but
Nri refused because he bought them at the cost of sacrificing his own children
and slave. Nri and; Chukwu made an agreement. According to M. D. W. Jeffreys
(1956:123) a tradition has it that:
As a reward for distributing food to the other towns Nri would have the right
of cleansing every town of an abomination (nso) or breach, of crowning the eze
at Aguleri, and of tying the Ngulu (ankle cords) when a man takes the title of
ozo. Also he and his successor’s would have the privilege of making the Oguji,
or yam medicine, each year for ensuring a plentiful supply of yams in all
surrounding towns, or in all towns that subjected themselves to the Eze Nri.
For this medicine all the surrounding towns would come in and pay tribute and
Umunmdri people then could travel unarmed through the world and no one would
attack or harm them.
Another tradition claims that because Nri would not sell yam to his neighbours,
he then demanded seven fowls, chalk, a pot and goats, with these he made
medicine Ifejiọkụ, the yam spirit, which he
gave to the applicants. They took this home with the new crops and sacrificed
to it. This tradition has some variation but basic facts still remains
(Isichei, 1977:22-23; Thomas, 1913:50).
The discovery of yam cultivation formed not only the economic base of Igbo
civilization but it also carried tremendous religious import. It was of such
great importance that it was given ritual and symbolic expressions in many
areas of Igbo life -- (Sacrifice at Nfijoku/ Ifejiọkụ during Yam festival/Iriji).
The Nri myth suggested how agriculture and iron technology
brought tremendous changes in the life of the Igbo. These changes Afigbo
rightly indicated includes (1) the more effective mastery of the land, (2) the
growth of population, (3) the elaboration of the archetypal Igbo social
institutions (4) the evolution of a cosmological system in which the Earth
(Ala, Ani, Ali) then became deified and occupied the central place as the
ordainer and guardian of morality, the source of law and customs.
It is significant to note here the emergence of Igbo cosmology from the Nri
myth in which
This development accords with the otiose character of Chukwu - the Supreme
Being - in Igbo cosmology and the domination of the lgbo world by the Earth
goddess. This is not only peculiar to the Igbo; it is a common perception of
the Supreme Being as Deus Otiosus in primal religions.
The Nri myth which contains Igbo cosmology also has in it an important
dimension of historical truth not yet hitherto recognized, namely, the origin
or evolution of Igbo traditional religion (Afigbo, 1981:9). We wish to suggest
and maintain based on Nri myth that Igbo traditional religion is going through
a three-stage development. The first stage is what we may call the Eri period.
This period agrees with Professor Afigbo's periodization in 1983 which he
labeled the a-horizon. This first stage is the earliest period of human
existence, the probable dynamic age of Chukwu, when God created and dominated
the earth, including the Igbo world. The age of pure intuition marked by the
over powering awareness of the presence and nearness of Chukwu the creator. The
God fed Eri and his people and Eri had intimate contact with Chukwu and
worshipped him alone. This was the age of innocence and what existed at period
was pure religion. This was because man had not come to need intermediaries
between him and his creator. Igbo myths and folklores lend validity to this
claim (New; 1985:15-32 Iwuagwu).
'The second stage is the hunting and gathering stage of existence when the Igbo
had not fully come to a full appreciation of the value of the land. This I call
the Nri period, when with the coming of agriculture and iron technology the
Igbo attention shifted from the sky above to the earth below, with Ala, Ani,
Ali displacing 'Chukwu' into a supposedly remote inactivity. This is the
supposed period in primal societies including Igbo when 'Chukwu' came to be
perceived as the Deus Otiosus the withdrawn God, the absentee landlord. This
period marked the dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo traditional life and
the origin of Igbo traditional religion. Based on Nri myth, it became the chief
function of Eze Nri to preside over the worship, veneration and purification of
the Earth through rituals and sacrifices. Professor Afigbo calls this period the
b-horizon marked by recession of pure intuition, the fall of man, the
withdrawal of the creator and the domination of man's daily existence by a hose
of gods and spirits. At this time the Igbo adopted divinities which appear to
work in controlling their world.
The dominance of the Earth goddess in Igbo land at this period is well
acknowledged. On this Professor Anene (1966:12-13) stated:
Among the Igbo law and custom were believed to have been handed down from the
spirit world from time immemorial from ancestor to ancestor. The spirit world
comprised a hierarchy of gods: the most important perhaps was the god of the
land-the unseen president of the small localized community. No community is
complete without the shrine of the god of the land.
The god of the land in context refers to the Earth goddess whose influence is
very great in a society whose economy is primarily agricultural. It is at this
stage that the Igbo abandoned the worship of Chineke God to the worship of the
created things. The acknowledgement of the High God, the Creator, at the same
time as he is dealt with as remote or withdrawn forms the major basis of the
concept of deus otiosus or deus remotus or deus absconditus which many writers
have given attention to at various times (Pettazzoni, 1954:Horton, 1971 85-108)
Apart from the worship of Ala, other divinities arose in several other
communities. Some of the prominent ones included Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu, Amadiọha (or Kamalụ) also known as the
"god of: thunder" whose shrine was at OZUZU (now in Rivers State); the Ogbunworie of Ezumọha, Mbano; Igwekaala of Umunọha (South-Igbo sub-culture area); Agbala of Awka and Ọha Mmiri of Oguta to name a
few.
The organizers of these cults were diviners, priest, medicine men, traders and
other ritual experts as well as men of note in
the community who considered their life, political and economic interests
threatened. Quite often people go to these divinities to take oath. Their
origin in most of those communities is unknown, they do not have documentary
history but they were believed to have been brought by their respective
ancestors many of whom were unknown to them. Some of them are said to have
taken their origin from outside Igbo territory and especially from Igbo
neighbours such as Efik, Ibibio Yako and Ekoi. (Onunwa, 1990:11, 21, 31).
Two of the prominent Oracular divinities - Ibinukpabi of Arọchukwu and Ogbunworie of
Ezumuọha were
destroyed by the British in 1901/02 and 1910 respectively, but their influence
still linger. At the moment there are severa1 millions
of deities and divinities in Igbo land.
In this second stage, however, it is obvious that something definitely went
wrong. It is the stage that Igbo ancestors abandoned the worship of God the
Creator to the worship of the created things -
Thus there came a great gap, a lacuna in Igbo spirituality. As the Nri myth
would tend to suggest there arose a broken link between chukwu and Igbo
ancestors, a broken link that has to be restored.
The development gained impetus in the third stage of development of Igbo
traditional religious life. This period Prof.. Afigbo called the c-horizon but
which we now refer to as the Arọ Era. The Arọ Era is what Professor Afig designated in his Ropes of Sand as
the era of Arọchukwu Ascendancy with its
Ibinukpabi Oracle - their famous Long Juju. The era, which we regard as
"the most tragic" for the Igbo race because of the evils of slave
trade and slavery. A lot has been written about it. It is obvious that Eze Arọ one of the highly recognized kingship stools in Igbo land pre-date the existence of
Ibinukpabi Oracle. It is an Oracle, which no Arọ person would like to discuss. However, it is generally believed
to have been imported from a small Ibibio shrine (Isichei, 1976:59). The
influence of the oracle in Igbo land was like a
harmattan fire. It is believed to have conferred so much prestige and authority
on the Arọ to such an extent that in 1896 an Arọ person proudly announced to
a white man at Aba in "broken English" that he was an 'Arọ man' and a 'God boy' (Isichei, 1976:59). Scholars agreed that the
oracle rested on a deliberate deception. The Arọ civilization of the period was extremely idolatrous,
materialistic and dehumanizing. The Arọ civilization generated trade in which the Igbo were commodities of trade. The slave trade bred a disregard for human
life. It is reported that in Nsukka ten human slaves sold for a horse and in
Uburu in the 1880's a horse was exchanged for four to six adult human slaves
(Isichei, 1978:47). Professor Ọnwụejeọgwụ indicated that Ibinukpabi supported slave trade, which brought
into Igboland depopulation due to instigated wars, family disorganization,
ritual cannibalism and human sacrifices
(1987:56). Thus Arọ at this period combined slave trade and manipulation of the oracle by a highly intelligent group or kinsmen for their
religious and economic interests. Thus fear of insecurity, constant wars,
headhunting at this period led many Igbo resort to seeking the protection of
divinities and deities most of which were imported.
Similarly there emerged highly developed secret societies as a new (p.12)
instrument of social control. This is not to say that secret society was absent
in Igbo land but it became prominent. The Arọ brought secret societies from Efik-Ibibio areas into Igbo land, such as Ekpe, Okonko, Obong, Akang. The
Arọ made great
use of them and because of their influence cult houses were erected for them at
the village centers of several Igbo communities, for effective control of
communities. They also made use of nsibidi sign for
communication which made the need for initiation quite attractive. Thus it was
common to hear that the need to belong to a secret cult would enable one pass
through the road (ka ewere ya ga n'uzo). In effect, this period brought about
the multiplication of deities or divinities for security.
In sum, according to Igbo myth Igbo religion in its purest form originated as a
direct revelation of 'Chukwu, 'Chineke' to the Igbo earliest ancestor. In
course of time, the subsequent earliest Igbo ancestors lost touch with the
original revelation, and turned their back on 'Chukwu' but focused on the
worship of created things -- Ala/Anị (the Earth goddess) not as creator but as their sustainer and
protector. This leads to the theory of the origin of
Igbo traditional religion as a combination of psychological and sociological
needs for their protection and survival.
Thus in their various studies Basden, (1938), Meek, (1943), Forde and Jones,
(1962), Ilogu (1973), and other numerous researches conducted on Igbo
traditional religion in the department of religion, all agree that the idea of
'Chukwu,' Chineke,' is central to Igbo traditional belief and life. We agree
with Nwanunobi (1992) that the overwhelming situation is such that even though
there is a belief in the Supreme God in Igbo traditional religion, the brand of
belief is characterized as polytheistic. It is a type of polytheism in which
the High God, 'Chukwu' presides over the lesser gods often perceived as
intermediaries in the cosmic hierarchy. The Earth goddess was the arch-divinity
with omenala as its governing moral code which regulates human relationship
with the land according to what obtains in the land or community.
Having therefore examined rather briefly the origin of Igbo man and his
traditional religion let us then inquire into how the Igbo man perceived his
world, his person, his vision and his mission.
3. IGBO PERCEPTION OF THEIR WORLD
Igbo world-view is significant in understanding the Igbo man and his identity,
his vision and his mission in the world.
The Igbo traditional understanding of the world and reality as a whole is
religious and holistic. The universe is conceived of a cyclical order as the
seasons of the year, the sun, the moon, the stars and natural events in general
repeat themselves in an interminable way. Mircea Elide calls this repetitive
order in nature as the "myth of eternal return" (1959). This ordered
succession symbolized harmony, persistence and dynamism. This order must not be
disrupted in the Universe in which the different levels of space as perceived
are inhabited.
A critical look at the Igbo world -- view would throw light on the rationale
for man's insistence on maintaining the delicate balance or cordial
relationship between him and the spirit beings in the spirit world as well as
ensure the maximum success of his life on earth.
3.1. GOD AND gods IN IGBO
As a matter of fact, Igbo religious philosophy (religion and philosophy) begins
with his conception of the Supreme God variously called Chiukwu, Chukwu,
Chineke (Obasi di n'elu). The Supreme Being is the primal being.
Though the Igbo traditional religious thought cannot lay any special claim as
to a clearer and more comprehensive perception of the nature of the Supreme God
than any other group of mankind, yet there are numerous references and
attributes which the Igbo use to express their keen awareness of the supreme
reality and ultimate explanation of all the things. Philosophically in this
regard, the Supreme Being is conceived under two major principles - (1) the
principle of creation (Chi-Okike) (Chineke) (2) the principle of Absoluteness
(Chi-Ukwu) (Chiukwu).
Both principles are implied in the principles of (i) divinity and (ii) absolute
dependence, which are expressed in the conception of "Chi" or
personal god (Nwala, 1985:115-116). In creation, Chukwu or Chineke is the
creator of all things including man whom he endows with his nature and his
destiny. This nature and destiny are referred to as 'uwa' and 'chi' which every
person possess. The principle of creation (Okike) (Chineke) shows man's divine
origin.
The second principle - the principle of absoluteness means absolute/perfect in
power and might in everything. Here he is Chi-Ukwu (the Great God Chukwu), his
other names such as Chukwuka (God is supreme), Onyekachukwu (who is greater
than God), Ifeanyịchukwu (Nothing is beyond God's power) Chukwunweike (In God
rests all strength) also express this principle of abso1uteness. On the basis
of this principle, the Igbo invoke the ultimate power and
protection of the Supreme Being especially when all else has failed them.
Generally Chukwu's power is constantly sought in oral prayers. The principle of
absolute dependence earlier referred to shows the source of man's nonexistence
and welfare.
This keen awareness of God is also expressed in the Igbo traditional ritual of
Igbo Ọfọ by the elders. Ọfọ symbol itself is a clear
expression of the concept of the Supreme Being's authority, justice and-truth.
The belief in the Supreme Being among the Igbo has
been strongly attested to by many other foreign writers like O'Connell, Schon and
Crowther, Talbot, Basden, Meek and others.
Thus the concept of the Supreme God as a 'loan god' introduced by the
missionaries as a "stranger" in Igbo religious thought (Nwoga, 1984)
is definitely unfounded and irrelevant. The Supreme God is seen as the chief
guest of honour at every Igbo traditional religious festival or ritual, the
ultimate recipient of sacrifices even though there is no elaborate cult for him
in Igbo land.
As a matter of fact Archival records showed that early Christian missionaries
to Igbo land drew abundantly from Igbo terminologies including the idea and
name for the Supreme God, in their preachings and translations (CMS, 1862).
Moreover, research works by some Igbo scholars like R.A. Arazu, S.N Ezeanya,
E,C. Ilogu , E. Ikenga-Metuh and E.I. Ejizu have also proved that the
generalization that 'Chukwu' was not acknowledged in public cults among the
Igbo, is also an over-simplification. Public altars and rituals in honour of
Chukwu, though not elaborate, did exist in certain traditional Igbo
sub-cultural units as Ihembosi, Okija, Ihiala, Aji, Nsukka and Ututu (Akum,
1983), (Ezeanya 1969:39-40).
3.2. DIVINITIES AND DEITIES
However, the stronger belief in and pre-occupation with the divinities and
deities, and patron spirits, are manifestly the most striking feature of Igbo
traditional religion.
No matter what other writers say, polytheism (which means belief in or worship
of many gods) is practised among the traditional Igbo. But it does no imply
that all the local deities are of equal importance and power to the people.
Although a lot of local variation exist in names, categories and details of
belief in and worship of these divinities, a number of them are believed to be
major divinities and are widely acknowledged. These include: Anyanwu (the
sungod), Igwekaala (the sky god),
Of all the divinities
The Igbo belief in the ancestors is a clear expression of the people's faith in
"after-life" even though perceived in the context of external return
to the earth again in reincarnation. And it is believed that one's status in
the after-life depends entirely on one's status here on earth since the spirit-
world is a mirror of the human world with same topography and similar
organization. The motion of judgment which everyone is afraid of is clearly
spelt out by the Igbo belief in reincarnation.
Seen from the anthropological perspective, Igbo traditional religion, as
evident from the pantheon of spirits and deities acknowledged in worship in
various localities, is a religion of structure, inextricably bound up with the
total structure of Igbo traditional life. For the Igbo, man's existence, his
welfare and destiny are totally caught up the general behaviour of the forces
above, under and around him, Igbo believe that the more man can control nature
and the force, the more he is able to enjoy protection, longevity, progress,
success and peace with God, the divinities and the ancestors. This perception
of his world-view and control methods is borne out of the conviction about the
constant interaction between the world of the spirit d the world of men. Igbo
religion relies heavily on divination in this regard.
3.2.1. Divination: Igbo religion relies on a diviner or divination to provide
answers to problems and puzzles of daily life-experiences. Divination therefore
becomes the mechanism for connecting observed effects to causes that lie beyond
the powers of common sense to comprehend.
In other words, the essence of divination in Igbo religion is the provision for
resolving one difficulty or the other that the individual or the community
encounters as he attempts to understand the world around him. The diviner
(dibiaafa/Igba aja) is thus a busy person among the adherent of the Igbo
religion. He is consulted for practically all problems, sicknesses and failure
in business or failure to have a male child, boundary disputes, sudden death,
etc. After determining the cause of the problem, the diviner then prescribes
remedies which more often than not are sacrifices to be made to the ancestors
or to the spirits believed to be angry about something. The centrality of Igbo
religion is defined by divination. It offers a lot of attraction to many
Christians who have not yet committed their lives to Christ. In other words,
Divination is therefore a common key that unlocks the door into the
interpretation of various aspects of Igbo religion. It plays an important role
in the Igbo belief in reincarnation.
3.2.2. Reincarnation: Reincarnation is one of the Igbo beliefs that have
persisted in spite of the influence of westernization or christianity. The
issue of reincarnation is a problematic one in Igbo thought and life, Damian
Opata's Essays on Igbo World View (1998) argues that it is to be understood
around two principal Igbo concepts: ilua uwa and Ogbanje. Both involve some
kind of re-embodied existence after having lived and died in the world. This is
better understood in the Igbo conceptualization of two types of existence uwa
mgbede and uwa Ututu. The ogbanje phenomenon is the repetitive coming and going
of people especially of children into one's family. It is an undesirable thing
in a family. The principle of reincarnation is seen as a positive one because
it is believed that only people who have lived well and died well are the only
person entitled to reincarnate or re-embody themselves in a beneficent manner.
Thus it is common experience through divination to identify who reincarnated a
new born baby. This is the work of a diviner. In Igbo a diviner is dibiaafa
(ogbaaja), and could be a medicine man or a priest. Some of them undergo
special training in the use of herbs, in clairvoyance, divination and reincarnation.
The concept of reincarnation makes meaningful the Igbo belief of life after
death. Since the biblical concept of resurrection is not clearly understood by
many, in traditional Igbo setting, the concept of reincarnation assures an Igbo
that his attempt to lead a good life here on earth, obey the deities and the
ancestors are not in vain. Death is not the end of life. There is another life
after death and the most practical way to make it meaningful is the belief in
reincarnation which includes physical resemblance, character traits, oracular
pronouncements all of which point to the fact that the dead are somewhere
waiting for their return to the world of time and space. The notion of judgment
which people fear is so clearly spelt out by reincarnation belief. This
implication of judgment also brings in the moral and ethnical implications of
the belief. Thus it becomes obvious that death and reincarnation explain quite
a lot about the Igbo realization of a meaningful existence. Within the concept
are woven some principles of existence, some deep and lasting motivation for
decent living among the Igbo, motivation based on everlasting and transcendent
reward. It is the idea of living well among the Igbo that constitutes for them
an authentic existence such that it could be said that to have died well is to
have lived well.
3.3. MAN IN IGBO THOUGHT
Inspite of the Igbo concept of 'Chukwu', the Igbo world remains homo-eccentric.
In other words, although 'Chukwu' is the foundation of Igbo religion and
philosophy, yet Igbo world and Igbo philosophy is focused on man.
Igbo philosophy begins with his conception of life (Ndụ). Life is the consciousness
of 'being' or existing. Man (mma ndụ) is made up of "life' (Ndụ), intellect (Uche) and body (ahu). When there is no life in a
person he is ozu (corpse). It is the sole function
of life to hold body and intellect firmly in their positions and sustains them.
As far as life is doing this, man is said to be living a human life and is
capable of showing the act of knowledge. Thus the source or origin of human
knowledge is life. This life comes from God (chinwendụ).
For the Igbo like the others life is simply a gift (Ndụ bụ onyinye). Thus according to
the Igbo, "life is a gift owned by God and is given to somebody" or
"some thing by God only." Hence the Igbo say that "Ndụ bụ Onyinye Chukwu" (Life is the gift of God).
To mention God in an epistemological treatise like this is definitely
disapproved of by some philosophers. But the Igbo people do not have any
apology to render to any of such people because their sense of God is deeply rooted in our Igbo philosophy. For the
Igbo, philosophy without God who is the first philosopher is no philosophy.
That is why it is unthinkable for the Igbo to have a religion without
philosophy. As Fr. J.J.C. Akunne (1995) rightly put it:
For us Igbo philosophy without God is like a house without a roof. To
philosophize whether there is God or not and to marshal out argument for or
against it is the most absurd thing any lgbo man is expected to do.
A basic question has been asked as to what a human being is for the Igbo in regard
to the origin of human knowledge.
Greek philosophers' positions have varied. For instance, the Rationalists
concluded that human knowledge originated from reason alone. The Empiricists
asserted that human knowledge originated from experience, while the Kantians
maintain that some human knowledge originated from reason, and some in
experience and others in their necessity. With the fact established that Greek
philosophy originated from African philosophy (Onyewuenyi, 1993) tremendous
contributions have come from other African thinkers. Using the theory of Ndụakpunyereuchenaahụ, it is rightly argued that
knowledge originated from life. Man has within him the gift of life which
carries within itself essentially the gift of knowledge. As
a man starts developing in the womb, the intellect and body become the effects
of this development, which reaches its
For the Igbo, God is life (Chi bụ ndụ) and God owns life (Chinwendụ). Since we have life we have a share in God. This lifeness of
the life in us makes our morality which has eschatological under-tone
meaningful. This is because for the Africans
to be is to live, and therefore, one continues to live even after death when he
continues to live in another form. This is where the Greek philosophers failed.
They fai1ed to recognize the inseparability of the intellect and body. They
separated intellect and body respectively and gave them independent existence.
For the Igbo, this proves the fact that not only that life continues after
death but also that it is the same person when alive in this untranscendental
world is responsible for all his/her good and bad action done in this world. In
other, words a person starts life in the transcendental world following the
occurrence of death, it is the person who is now living on this earthly world
that will continue to live the transcendental world with his full identity. His
life will be the same life because life is not affected by the action of death.
Because life is not affected, it carries the implication of one's action in our
mundane world into that of our transcendental world, acquiring a new form of
intellect and body. In other words, in Igbo thought and life, man finds
ultimate meaning in transcendence even though it is a homo-centric world.
3.4. KOLANUT AS LIFE AFFIRMING PRINCIPLE
Igbo philosophy is life-affirming because it centered on human being. Igbo
people usually say Ndụ bụ Isi (Life first). It has been observed that the overall
conceptualization of the kolanut among the Igbo is that it is a life affirming
principle. Kolanut presentation, ritual, breaking and sharing is significant in Igbo land. The ritual invocation will include Chukwu,
ancestors, the clan deities, the spirit forces especially the market days.
Finally the invocation would normally end with an affirmation of life:
Ndi ebe anyị
anyị ga adị
anyị goro ka anyị dịrị
ọ bụghị ka anyị nwụọ
(Our people
we shall live
we have prayed for life
not for death).
This final affirmation of life is significant because one of the first
statements surrounding kolanut breaking ritual in Igbo land is:
Onye wetara ọji wetara ndụ (He who brings kola brings life).
Among the Igbo, everything that is, has a life and to be alive is the
aspiration of every living thing. Ọji (kolanut) is life because he who brings it brings life in the
dual sense (1) that signifies welcome and friendship
and (2) that the prayer for good and long life which precede its breaking and
eating would be accepted by the ancestors. From the biological point of view,
the kolanut is also life affirming. Paul E. Lovejoy (1980:2) listed forty
medicinal uses of kolanut, collected at the beginning of the 20th century, and
included relief from hunger, fatigue and thirst as important properties along
with cures from headaches and sexual impotence. This list is interesting
because the medicinal uses noted is all life affirming. Of special importance
is the fact that it could be used as cure for sexual importance. For the Igbo,
nothing can be more life affirming than this very fact. In other words, kolanut
in Igbo world view touches on the principal essence of existence: being alive
and sustaining it.
This principle of life affirmation as constituting the essence of the kola is
also supported by the Igbo myth surrounding he emergence of the four Igbo
market days. It is aid that four enigmatic people once visited a place. They
would neither eat nor talk. But by mere coincidence, some one gave them a piece
of kolanut to eat. To the surprise of all assembled, the people suddenly were
given to speech in which they revealed their names as Orie (Oye), Eke, Nkwọ and Afọ. By this singular act, the kola is said to have gained significance
not only as the food of the spirits, but also something that gives life. This
is because somebody who can neither talk nor eat anything is as good as dead.
It is only something that can give life that worked the wonder of giving back
life even to the spirits. This is the basis of the Igbo saying:
Onye wetara ọjị wetara ndụ.
Apart from being an affirmation of life, it is also a symbol of continuity, of
the entire life process as a continuum. Kolanut
ritual is always a feature of the Igbo society, in social functions and
ceremonies, which has resisted westernization and Christianity.
In addition, numerous researches conducted on ritual practices that have to do
with consecration of time, space, animate and inanimate objects have also
confirmed this affirmation of the life principle in Igbo cosmology. The ritual
practice of itu aka (ritual offering of food to the spirits in general in
Agukwu Nri, or itu aka ezi (ritual throwing of food outside for the spirits) as
in Ututu, Arọchukwu, Ezza/Izzi are highly illuminating because they also show
the purpose for such a practice. For instance, the research conducted by
Anthony Ekwunife, of the department of religion,
3.5. ‘CHI’ IN IGBO WORLD VIEW
We have seen that inspite of the remarkable awareness of spiritual forces, the
Igbo like the other Africans, place man at the center of the universe, yet
there is the irony that his destiny is determined by the 'chi' variously
interpreted as his 'personal god' or guardian angel. In creation, Chineke, the
Supreme Being brings man into being, at the same time endows him his nature and
destiny. This nature and destiny are spoken of as 'uwa' and the personal 'chi'
which every human being possesses. Thus if any person does something
characteristics of him/her, the Igbo say ọ bụ etu ụwa ya dị (i.e. it is how his/her nature is}. The idea of 'chi' explains
the elements of luck, fortune, destiny or fate unique to an individual. The
Igbo say of a lucky man ọ bụ onye chi ọma.
Igbo mythology is replete with examples illustrating
the fact that the "
Supreme Being used to be very close to human beings but later withdrew to the
sky because a woman used to poke her pestle in the sky while pounding her
foofoo late in the night.
This incessant disturbance made God to withdraw. It is this that probably gave
rise to the concept of deus otiosus - the withdrawn God, a concept that at God
does not enmesh himself in human affairs. It has also been suggested that it
could be that it is this withdrawal of God that gave rise to the Igbo expressions:
Mmadụ bụ chukwu a na afụ anya n'ụwa
(A human being is the god that is seen in the world).
Madụ bụ chi ibe ya
(A human being is a god to another person).
Both expressions imply that human beings also can play vital roles it
influencing the destiny of others. This is the
point D.I. Nwoga tried to make in his very much misunderstood book, The Supreme
God as Stranger in Igbo Religious Thought.
T.U. Nwala (1985:46) tried to summarize the concept of destiny among the Igbo
by citing two Igbo Sayings to the effect that Whatever befalls a man is - ihe
ya na chi ya kpara (What he settles with his chi) but onye kwe chi ya ekwe, (If
a man wills, his peronal 'Chi' wills also) provides him an escape route from
the clutches of fatalism. Thus the element of fatalism, where man is left to
the mercy of destiny is mitigated by ascribing some will power and initiative
to man. One can influence one's 'chi' by brave or good conduct and this knocks
the horn out of fatalism in Igbo philosophy.
It is here that we find the traditional Igbo escape from this apparent fatalism
through the basic principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe. The Igbo believe that if a
man is at peace with his god and his ancestors his harvest will be good or bad
depending on the strength of his arm. What is implied as Nwala rightly
indicated is that the efficacy of the human will depend on a sound moral life
because that is the only way he can be at peace with his god and his ancestors.
'Chi' is like a personal guide which pilots a man's prospects and determines
his fortune.
For the Igbo three principles are operative in the shaping of a person's life.
We have already pointed to the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe, the other two
are: (1) akara aka and (2) lfe si na chi.
Akara aka literally refers to lines inscripted on a person's palm.
Among the Igbo it is believed that what one would be in life is already
inscripted on the person's palm. What can hinder the actualization of what is
inscripted are incorrect reading and misinterpretation as well as lack of
sustained personal effort. The principle of lfe si na chi implies things that
are already predetermined from birth for somebody. However in both principles
we observe that: (I) what comes to people are predetermined and so no escape
and (2) the relationship between chi and personal effort in the total shaping
of a person's life and (3) the principle of onye kwe chi ya ekwe is a normative
paradigm in the conduct of one's affairs in life. It is a manifestation of
optimism and dynamism so evident in the Igbo attempt at self actualization and
achievement orientation.
Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart brought out the working of the 'chi'
principle in Igbo life. Unoka had gone to the oracle to find out why he still
had poor harvest inspite of the prescribed sacrifices he offered to the gods,
and he was also in good standing with his 'chi'. The oracles confirmed that
Unoka was in good standing with his 'chi' but insisted that he should go home
and work harder because mere offering of sacrifice would not make him reap
bounteous harvests. Thus having a good 'chi' must be accompanied by being
industrious. On the other hand, it is said of Okonkwọ that he is an example of
one who said 'yes' to his 'chi' but his 'chi' refused to give assent to his affirmation. The explanation is that no one can go beyond his
'chi.'
As a matter of fact the Igbo does not give up or get discouraged. The
principles of akara aka, lfe si na chi and onye kwe chi ya ekwe serve as
ideology of consolation, encouragement, and determination. In Achebe's Things
Fall Apart, Okonkwọ contributed to his own fate. He was consumed by his personal
ambition. He failed to understand the basic Igbo philosophy of complementary
dualities and consequent accommodationists principle inherent in that philosophy. This suggests that saying 'yes' must be
understood within the framework of the dominant world view of the people. The
Igbo hardly ever resign to fate, they hardly give up in a struggle which they
set their minds on. This is supported by their wisdom sayings:
Otụ egwu mgbagbu
adịghị eje ọgụ
(If you are afraid of death you won't go to war).
di ochi anagị akwụsị ịrị enu akwụ maka na ọ dara n'enu ya
(A palm wine tapper does not stop tapping because he fell from a palm wine
tree).
ebe ọkụ nyụrụ achịsa ọwa
(Surrender comes only after one had tried all one could).
This is also why the traditional Igbo consult diviners and move from one
sacrifice to one deity to the other in the hope that some how they would
succeed. A world-view as this makes a people rugged and does
not encourage the doctrine of fatalism. The Igbo like other Africans pays high
premium on life and would therefore go to any length to preserve it.
The Igbo world is principally a world of interacting realities the spiritual
and the physical, each impinging on the other. It is both the world of
spiritual beings and the world of man and other animate and inanimate beings.
But man's existence, his welfare, and destiny are totally caught up with the
general behaviour of forces above, around, and underneath him. And while
deploying the power of his reason, and utilizing his mental and physical skills
to better his lot, man expends as much energy and ingenuity in trying to
sustain the delicate balance between the various orders of his world view in
order to ensure the continued welfare of his life and that of his family. This
in brief outline is the Igbo cosmology whose ideas and ideals infuse meaning
and coherence into the entire gamut of Igbo religious life and philosophy. We
now focus on the dominant religious and philosophical ideas derivable from this
Igbo world view to understand how they have served as key to Igbo self
understanding and identity.
4. DOMINANT IDEAS IN IGBO RELIGIOUS PHILOSOPHY
The relevance of the foregoing Igbo perception of their world to the emotional
and psychological levels of the traditional life of the Igbo is of great
significance to the argument of this paper. This is because in the daily life
of the Igbo, their values and attitudes which they aspire to and exhibit are
the direct off-shoot of their dominant religious and philosophical ideas. These
ideas include:
4.1. RESPECT FOR LIFE (NDỤ)
Igbo world is principally anthropocentric. It is for this understanding the
Igbo say Ndụ bụ isi (life first). Because of the heavy
accent which the traditional Igbo place on human life, they go to any length in
order to preserve it. As a matter of fact the traditional Igbo attitude to the
divinities and ancestors appears on many occasions to be primarily
manipulative, as the Igboman moves from shrine to shrine for definite material
satisfaction bordering on life, off-spring and health. Igbo traditional prayers
{Igọ ọfọ) and sacrifices to the
deities are mainly petitionary for the welfare of man. Even when sacrifices are made to malevolent spirits, the only reason
for doing so is to ward them off from causing harm. Igbo constantly resort to
divination, traditional medicine, magic, the use of protective charms or
amulets and initiation into secret cults in order to cope with the
uncertainties of life, for protection and progress. Childlessness was
considered a threat to life among the Igbo as it hits the very root of that
traditional primary value, life.
Thus Igbo traditional religion provides for the people a viable system by which
they seek to explain, to predict, and to control all space and time event for
the preservation of life. In traditional Igbo society, human life was
considered sacred. That it cannot be taken away with impunity. Suicide is
considered a most abominable crime against the human society and so any person
guilty of suicide is denied formal burial. In most cases when human beings were
killed (twin killing and human sacrifice) the traditional Igbo saw such as a
fulfillment of convinced religious obligation and for the good of the land. For
them, sacrifice was different from killing a fellow human being, for which life
must go for life. Nevertheless, the Igbo respect life more than any other
ethnic group in
rural Igbo had very great respect for Ndụ because it comes from God. It is greater than money or wealth.
It cannot be foundered by a blacksmith. All things are only useful if they have
life.
Let me remind you that it was not a mere coincidence when under the Igbo war
commander Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu,
4.2. RESPECT FOR MORALITY
The traditional dominant Igbo orientation to the ultimate is their great
respect for morality and so dreaded the consequences in-built in committing any
offence against the Supreme Being, the ancestors, local divinities and deities.
We have earlier indicated that part of what the traditional Igbo were known for
is that they were a very spiritual people. That is the philosophical
understanding behind their morals, customs, traditions, beliefs, and myths. The
ultimate which a traditional Igbo person cherishes is to live a good and worthy
life here on earth, die and receive full and proper burial rites and finally
rejoin his ancestors who lived well and died a good death. This could only be
achieved within a decent moral order.
This perception of Igbo cosmology meant that the moral order must be maintained
so that they can live in peace and have abundant life. The Igbo ancestors
constructed a number of socio-cultural controls. The first was to emphasize
characters. Character refers to moral uprightness, peace with the gods and
peace with human beings. Purity among the Igbo was seen as essential in
blocking the anger of the gods or the ruin of evil spirits, this is the
implication of onye aka ya di ocha. Hence seasonal festival included
purification rites.
They devised elaborate system of moral codes known as omenala or omenani, which
regulate the behaviour of the people including their social, economic, and
political lives. Omenala is believed to have been handed down from
The implication is that among the Igbo omenala is communal rather than
individual. Every Igbo is born into a community where the person shares in the
community life, spirit and collective responsibility. Thus the concept of a man
as a person who co-exists with others gives rise to the idea of collective responsibility,
inter-dependence and humane living which is an important aspect of Igbo social
and religious life. As Chieka Ifemesia (1978:70) rightly argued that
interdependence is a fundamental principle of Igbo philosophy of life because
‘a tree does not make a forest.’ The Igbo ideology of interdependence
recognizes that unity is strength – ọha/Igwe bụ Ike, it among others promotes discipline, reduces crime, and
humanizes relations. Igbo religion recognizes personal/individual salvation,
but it exists mainly for the preservation
of the collective life (umunna/ikwunne) and of the community (ọha). Respect for religious
philosophy which inspires them to look up to future with hope and expectation
for a good reward here and hereafter.
4.3. TRUTH AS IGBO PRINCIPLE OF LIFE
Truth is a noble value in all human culture including the Igbo. Though an important
religious and philosophical idea, it has received little attention from
scholars. Nze C., (1994.4) has rightly suggested two Igbo words descriptive of
truth: eziokwu and ezigbo. Eziokwu is used to represent utterances while ezigbo
is used ontologically or materially for substance and entity to mean good, true
or genuine. Damian Opata (1998:73-80) in addition referred to the Igbo
expressions for truth: ihe mere eme meaning 'what really happened.' The Igbo
words signifying falsehood or untruth or lie are, okwu asi and asi
In Igbo community onye okwu asi or onye asi are used judgmentally for someone
who cannot be trusted, believed or relied upon. Other related Igbo words are
used, for instance asiri or onye ogba asiri refer to gossip, rumour mongering
or someone who goes about spreading rumours saying what is true or untrue. Such
a person is dangerous and that is why Mike Ejeagha's minstrel maintains that
asiri brings misunderstanding among friends and causes instability in family.
Chidi Osuagwu's study on truth in Igbo land is very illuminating. He points out
that the Igbo word for truth is ezi. Ezi means correct, order, positive, proper
rectitude, genuine, upright or valid. When ezi is used to qualify okwu which is
Igbo word for 'word' or statement then the word eziokwu becomes what is valid,
positive, genuine and truthful. Truth is paramount in Igbo life. Ezi is from
the root word zi. From this root, Igbo language generates such words like izi,
to show, imezi, to rectify, to correct; ikozi, to explain correctly, to teach;
igbazi, to strengthen, ihazi, to arrange, to organize idozi, to order, to
arrange, idazi, to fall into place, igozi, to bless, iduzi, to lead aright,
ikwazi, to mend, to arrange properly; this word-study is significant and it is
deliberately done to emphasize that in Igbo 'truth' is order.
In Igbo igha means to scatter. This word links up all chaotic processes as the
Igbo see it. Such include aghara, commotion, disorder. Agha means 'war',
ighasa, to scatter, to spread out; ghaghagha, chaotically bad and igha, to
scatter, spread, to lie; onyeaghara, troublemaker, madman. Thus igha means 'to
lie'. To lie in Igbo mind is to cause a thought scattering, a mental disorder.
From the above it can be deduced that falsehood is disorder; a disorientation.
The traditional Igbo pictured falsehood as simulated disorder, disarray or
chaos- generating expression. A liar in Igbo is basically a chaos - generator.
Just like eziokwu is okwu dabara adaba, ordered train of thought, falsehood is
okwu nadabaghi adaba -- a disordered thought. Thus the Igbo picture of ezi is
the ordered, the truth, whereas 'ugha' is falsehood. In an ugha system only
guesses can be made, while the order in an ezi system allows for prediction.
Truth is synonymous with order hence its predictability. Falsehood is disorder,
amplifying unpredictability. For the Igbo, the notion of truth is so central
and important that there are a number of ways in which it is characterized.
Among the Igbo it is said:
Eziokwu dika ehihie (efifie). Truth is like noonday
This stresses the fact that truth is self-evident and there is nothing anybody
can do to destroy it. That is why the Igbo say:
Anaghị eli eziokwu
n'ala
Truth cannot be buried in the ground
This asserts the indestructible character of truth. You cannot suppress it even
though the Igbo also say:
Eziokwu na'elu ilu
Truth is bitter.
All traditional societies have a strong
moral orientation in their conception of truth. Truth sustains relationships
with God, the deities and their fellow men. Truth is paramount in Igbo life and
they believe it is what gives life to any society.
Traditional Igbo society is built on truth and the basis of this is trust which
is primarily dependent on the ability of the individual members to tell the
truth to one another. It is the basis of our faith in God and in people. Truth
is the foundation of any Igbo community. The greater the tendency to lie in a society,
the greater will be the social disorder which no doubt increases the tendency
to lie. Thus I share Osuagwu's insight when he said that:
"A truth - telling society would be a highly ordered society."
"A better ordering of society would enhance the tendency of its members to
tell the truth."
The Igbo use the ọfọ symbol to designate truth and justice as a principle of life.
The Igbo say:
Ọfọ ka ide ji awa ala
Truth and justice are the content of life
Oji ọfọ anaghị atọ n'ije
The man of truth is never stranded in a journey
In these sayings, the Igbo are emphasizing the centrality of truth in human
relationship, organization and morality. This is further made obvious in the
Igbo saying:
Ezi okwu bụ ndụ
Truth is life
The philosophy of the Igbo founding fathers of the
The commitment to Truth is a fundamental Igbo philosophy without which there
would be neither regard nor respect for human life and dignity.
4.4. ACHIEVEMENT - ORIENTED VALUES
It is important to notice that the history of Igbo origin as legend has it,
reveals that the word 'Igbo' refers to 'forest-dwellers'. We are aware that at
this time the primitive Igbo lived a hazardous wandering life of the
hunter-gatherer of wild edible plants. The Nri myth which preserved for us how
agriculture came meant that the Igbo became 'farmers' who had to be directly
dependent on the land for their livelihood. Definitely these kinds of job
descriptions will require among other qualities - strength and intelligence.
The implications that right from the Igbo genesis, the Igbo man was born into a
tough world that demanded him to be rugged, courageous, fearless, determined
and hardworking to survive. Thus I will agree with D.I. Nwoga (1984:48) who
said:
…the .most prominent aspect of Igbo concept of man is that of a struggler for
survival, a hard and determined person in confrontation with the environment to
force out of it a means of sustenance.
Luckily enough, this Igbo nature of hard work had been acknowledged right from
the pre-colonial period. It is reported of Igbo slaves in
… excellent for work in the fields yet difficult to manage. They kept a strong
sense of their Igbo identity and gave help, care and instructions to new
arrivals from Igbo land. (Isichei, 1976:44; Herskovit, 1931:20-21; Uchendu,
1965:37).
Even in the New World Igbo slaves were outstanding for their hard work and
intelligence. Igbo slaves became much more productive than the other slaves, by
exhibiting higher degree of intelligence, honesty and craftiness. Nwosu
(1983:7) argued that the Igbo slaves showed an uncommly greater degree of
brotherly 1ove among themselves, which was lacking also in slaves of other
nationalities. This discovery made the American Masters of Igbo slaves to
become more productive, and wealthier than their counter-parts in
Admittedly, this Igbo achievement orientation as an important aspect of Igbo
life is one area in which the Igbo have been badly misunderstood and
misrepresented.
Many non-Igbo use it and argue that the Igbo are materialistic.
Interestingly enough on this kind of accusation (Jordan, 1971:115) reported
that Bishop Shanaham who had worked in Igbo land for years had come to the
conclusion that:
The average native was admirably suited by environment and training, for an
explanation of life in terms of the spirit, rather than of the flesh. He was no
materialist. Indeed nothing was farther from his mind than a materialistic
philosophy of existence. It made no appeal to him.
This was several years ago and I wish to categorically state that the Igbo do
not cherish money more than the other ethnic groups. In fact, if money has
today become an Igbo problem, it is a problem which
This achievement orientation has been found in their industry, courage,
determination and in itinerancy in search of adequate means of livelihood in
all nooks and crannies of the world, in all human endeavours. The dynamism of
the Igbo is found in their history and in the psychological structure of the
Igbo man and his society. In other words, it is a reflection of the Igbo perception
of 'self.'
First, the Igbo is afraid of failure in life. He believes that nature has
endowed him with the ability to subdue his world and succeed and therefore had
to do just that. Definitely the mandate to control the land is a mandate to be
successful. This position is well-supported and articulated by Afigbo (1974)
when he said:
It is thus quite clear that the Igbo saw failure in his world as a terrible
calamity which implied damnation and so did every thing possible to avoid it.
It is this fear of failure, this drive to succeed here, and attain the status
of Ogaranya (a rich man) which he could carry across to the next world, which
helped him to account for the economic drive of the Igbo man, as for the high
score and prestige set on hard work, resourcefulness, foresight, and rugged
individualism.
Second, the Igbo is not prepared to attribute any failure to his personal
'chi.' Thus the Igbo saying that onye kwe chi ya ekwe locates the Igbo in the
context of determination and faith to succeed. It is for this reason he has to
get all forces on his side. The achievement orientation finds the Igbo in
reverence of Ikenga, the cult of strength, a symbol for personal achievement,
heroism and success.
The Igbo people love to be rewarded and recognized after having worked hard.
Thus recognition for achievement is well entrenched in Igbo life. For instance,
far from despising manual labour, the Igbo esteem the successful farmer. Some
parts of Igbo land award them the titles of Eze ji (King of yam), Oko ji (yam
planter). There is an Igbo saying:
egbuwa ọfịa a hụ akụ
When you clear the forest you see wealth.
The Igbo people believe so much in the dignity of labour
(work) probably more than any other ethnic groups in Nigeria, and it is for
this same reason, the Igbo are also hated. Everywhere in
Creating wealth is based on hard work and intelligence. It is just recently we
started seeing people who do ‘nothing’ but we find them building ‘estates.’ It
is only recently we find people who do nothing and yet become leaders. In
traditional Igbo society, you can’t lead without your being an accomplished
person, having something doing. We have what is called the British pride, the
American pride; we also have from time immemorial what is known as the ‘Igbo
pride’ which some historians refer to as ‘Igbo identity’. Precisely, handworker
as an important philosophical Igbo idea is centered on Igbo pride. This ‘Igbo
pride’ is that Igbo spirit, that Igboness in every Igbo person, that courage,
that determination, that fearlessness, that self-confidence in every Igbo
person. He knows that he is not judged by what his father or relations have but
rather by what he is able to achieve by himself for his community.
4.5. IGBO REPUBLICANISM
The traditional Igbo had a deep sense of community. The popular sentiment among
the Igbo, as found in most other Africans is as J.S. Mbiti (1969:108) puts it:
“I am because we are and since we are, therefore I am.”
Individual existence and freedom are appreciated, but they are delicately
balanced with the underlying philosophy of life-in-community.
This life-in-community is captured by the Igbo concept of
Umunna/Umunne/Ikwunne. Part of Igbo problem is using foreign concepts to define
Igbo life and thought. Umunna is a spiritual idea embedded in Igbo origin. The
concept of democracy (ọha, umunnakwuru) which is contained in the Igbo philosophy of
republicanism is deeply rooted in Igbo life and thought as embodied in the
Ummuna concept. Before taking any decision, the Igbo
have the tradition of gathering together to discuss matters of interest in
order to arrive at a consensus and agreement. This is call in Igbo Igba izu
(consultation). This is the basis of Igbo republicanism which E.G. Ekwuru
(199:134) calls the Consensus philosophy, but referred to as Unanimity by T.U.
Nwala (1985:168). Thus modern democracy is not after all foreign to the Igbo
because it has its root in Igbo origin and thought. The Igbo life did not start
with colonization rather before the advent of the Europeans Igbo already had a
philosophy, established structure of government, education and technology.
According to Webster’s Encyclopedic Dictionary, republic is defined as an
affair, interest, a state or nation in which the supreme power is rested in the
whole voting community which elects indirectly or directly, representative to
exercise the power; a group whose number are regarded as having a certain
equality or common aims, pursuits, ect. in other words, republicanism is a
system with clear pattern of organization and a mode of behaviour.
Here we find that the republican idea recognizes individual worth and input.
People who deliberate and take decisions that arc of common interests, Ndi Igbo
live and still live in units of villages, and clans called Umunna. The
relationships among them are so close from the family to the clan level
including the age grades system. Similar close relationships are found in the
Eastern and Western Igbo. Power resided with Umunna or Ọha. People to represent each
unit are chosen on the basis of age, ability and character. There is consensus,
constant consultation covering every aspects of their lives from individual to
group levels - including marriage, education, funeral. It is common to hear such expressions like:
Ihe anyị kpara akpa
Something discussed/agreed
Igwebụike/ọha bụ ike
Umunna is strength
Umunnakwe
Umunna agreed
In Igbo republicanism, individuals and groups of individuals up to the clan
level aspired to relevance, had rights and
responsibilities, worked harder to better their lots and welfare and
contributed to policies (Nwajiuba, 2001:19-25). Igbo republicanism is hinged on
people's rights and founded on forthrightness, hard work, truth, and character.
The democratic spirit in Igbo checks any possible excesses arising from
seniority, status and achievement. This is further strengthened by the Igbo
principle of equality and equivalence which Prof. Afigbo rightly says is
fundamental in Igbo democracy.
Ndi Igbo don't worship people; they don't even have sanctions against rude
people. They respect people. In fact, there is great respect to the elders in
an Igbo society but they allow people express themselves. Ndi Igbo do not
tolerate of acts of rudeness to their elders. Osagie Jacobs's generalization
and insults against Ndi Igbo in his (This day, September 17, 2002 page 11)
where he claimed that Igbo do not respect the elders, and that they respect
money not age is unfortunate. Osagie himself knows that he is dishonest, rude
and crude, how because of one person he has the guts to insult a whole race.
Igbo people respect their elders, but they resent oppression and
authoritarianism. It is reported that during the slave trade period Igbo slaves
who were constantly starved by their European masters organized a revolt to
resent their starvation. They had to be fed by force. They refused to be
treated as sub-humans.
In modern times it could be seen that Nigerian colonial Politics had remained
passive until the arrival of the lgbo intellectuals on the scene in the person
of Hon. Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, Dr. K.O. Mbadiwe, Mr. Mbonu Ojike, Dr. Akanu Ibiam,
Dr. Nwafor Orizu, etc. Igbo republicanism does not mean the freedom to insult,
maltreat or abuse people because of one's position. It should be noted that the
Igbo expressions like:
Igbo-ama-onye-ukwu
I na-enye m nri
Igbo enwe-eze
were not in traditional Igbo thought. They have become Igbo expressions in the
mouth of those who harbour envy, hatred and jealousy for others, those who do
not appreciate 'excellence,' people influence by the Hebrew saying: "a
prophet has no honour in his own community." They served a colonial
interest of destabilizing Igbo unity.
I have become personally worried that even our Igbo intellectuals are accepting
the expression - Igbo enwe eze - as reflecting traditional Igbo situation. It
does not and it is arrant nonsense. It has its origin in the early colonial
European writers who spoke about the Igbo in particular as people without any
universal conception of God (CI), and without history. We must take note of the
fact that Igbo history did not start with the advent of the white man. The man
who denied that you had a history could not possibly come to believe you had a
'king’ or 'chief' which ever title you may prefer.
The truth which historians have agreed on is that all the ethnic groups in
We must not forget the fact that right from time in Igbo history there is what
we call 'Igbo pride.' The Igbo saw himself from time as a superior race. King
Jaja of Opobo treated the European traders and administrators as his inferiors.
They latter feared him and tricked him to go aboard the British warship for
friendly discussion but was carried away into exile where he died. Do we not
know the implication of the fact that he died in exile, he died with the
history of his people in his memory. The Arọchukwu people and most Igbo royal princes never removed their
hats or stood up or prostrated for the British colonialists unlike most other
subservient African tribes. Specifically in 1896 at
You will realize that this concept is introduced into our 'Culture,' the very
essence of a people. It has succeeded to work like magic in the Igbo nation
which presently is the most destabilized and disunited ethnic group in the
world. It brought the culture of disrespect and greed as well as that of
falsehood thereby destroying every evidence of a well laid down functional
leadership pattern prior to the advent of the white man. How else could we
explain that our people in government could not be united to promote Igbo
cause. We saw what happened in the period of Shagari government. It was a near
impossibility for the vice president and the governor to work together to
promote Igbo interest. It is what is happening today. Today many of our state
governors are in conflict with our people in government at the federal level.
Does it happen elsewhere?
Indirect rule is not yet over. Igbo land still remains its testing grounds.
This sys em was and is still the basic instrument being employed to destabilize
the Igbo race, incapacitate and frustrate any plan of the Igbo people to form a
common force where together they can challenge the ills done to them. There is
hope. This ray of hope comes from the Arọchukwu example. The modern Arọ understand the- Igbo enwe eze
concept as an instrument of destabilization. They are the only community in
Abia state that has up till today rejected the creation of autonomous
communities. They know that creating many autonomous communities is creating
many autonomous troubles and it will destroy their kingship institution and
traditions, which is centered on Eze Arọ as an institution, and not as a person.
Let me ask you, who is afraid of Igbo unity? The Igbo people say: Igwe bụ ike = unity/strength is
power. We know even as the Igbo Bible puts it, that
divided we fall, but united we stand. Igbo enwe eze concept is strange to Igbo
psyche and history of the origin. It should be discarded, forgotten and formal
education at reorientation of every Igbo undertaken. A family regarded as the
smallest unit in a locality has the 'father' as the head, how much more a
village, a clan and a tribe. Let the issue of Igbo enwe eze be laid to rest. We
Igbo people are not crabs; we are men and women with great propensity for
leadership and followership we do not need to invoke the expression to support
our philosophy of republicanism for self-reliance. Nor as a way of checking the
excesses of any Igbo leader.
Lastly, Igbo republicanism goes with the consensus philosophy of Igbo-kwenu.
Emeka G. Ekwuru (1999:134) has drawn attention to the importance of Igbo-kwenu
in his recent book. In Igbo 1and it represents constituting symbol of the
gathering of Umunna, which allows for the full deliberative and consultative
participation of every adult for decision-making. It not only recognizes the
freedom and right of each individual but more importantly it awakens the
Igboness in every Igbo person. I agree with Emeka Ekwuru that Igbo-kwenu in the
Igbo land underscores a social formula of action, a call to order and unity and
collective will vital in all Igbo relationships to fashion its destiny as a
people. There was a time when we hear - Igbo kwe - Enyim Mba Enyi - we see with
our eyes Igbo solidarity, the clearest expression of Umunna. W need to recover
that time and to offer to our country the best that is in us, because we have
what it takes to move
4.6. 'CHUKWU': THE ULTIMATE IN IGBO THOUGHT
Igbo scholars agreed that the Igbo world is principally a world of two
interacting realities - the material and the spiritual, each impinging on the
other. In this world, the material mirrors the spiritual in the different
degrees. The Igbo believe in a life thereafter like many other Africans and also
that the status achieved now in this life can be carried over to the next
world. Thus though homo-centric in practice, yet the Igbo find ultimate meaning
in transcendence. In other words, the Igbo see existence as future-oriented.
This is the implication of the word 'Nkiruka' - future is greater.
As we indicate, reincarnation is the central Igbo concept which captures this
Igbo sense of the future. This is related to the idea of death. Every Igbo
believes that death is a necessity. The traditional Igbo believes that when you
live well you die well in a good old age. Though Igbo myths, folklore and
rituals, they believe that at death they rejoin their ancestors. In other
works, their expectation of future is a rejoining of their ancestors whose
abode is underneath the earth, the supposedly land of the dead. The world
underneath is the abode of the ancestors and evil spirits.
I makwa na Chukwu no
Don't you know there is God?
This is a saying referring to people who think they can do anything and that
God will not see them or they believe they will go free. Their concept of God
in terms of his creative power and absoluteness, the source of man's origin
dependence and protection when all others have failed is original in Igbo
thought. The irony is why Igbo man inspite of this noble conception preferred
to worship the spirit of the earth, and to also look downwards in rejoining the
ancestors, instead of looking upwards in returning to his 'Chukwu' his maker.
It is important that Igbo myth established the fact that originally Igbo
ancestors had acknowledged that God created them and had maintained contact
with him, a contact which was broken because they now moved away from God and
focused on a created thing (the earth) as their god with elaborate sacrifices
and worship.
The coming of christianity into Igbo land in 1841 was rightly perceived as a
civilizing mission. It meant the introduction into the relatively stable Igbo
traditional religious framework of an alternative view of the world, a rival
cosmology and a different way of understand the place of Igbo man in particular
in creation. This encounter marked the beginning of the restoration of the broken
link and what has been the developmental implication of either looking
downwards to rejoining our ancestors or looking upwards to returning to Chukwu
on Igbo man and his society.
5. IGBO TRADITIONAL RELIGION AND CHRISTIANITY
Chinua Achebe (1958:123-125) gave us the first Igbo description of the impact
of that encounter between Igbo traditional religion and christianity when
Obierika said:
How do you think we can fight when our own brothers have turned against us.
White man is very clever. He came quietly and peacefully with his religion. We
were amused at his foolishness and allowed him to stay. Now he has won our
brothers and our clan can no longer act like one. He has put a knife on the
things that held us together and we have fallen apart.
The above words articulate the sentiments expressed by an Igbo elder after
realizing how the new religion (Christianity) had gone in terms of winning
converts and dividing the members of the clan. And it is true that henceforth
things were never the same for the Igbo.
The question that comes to mind is whether the Igbo did misunderstand him? If
the missionary had not posed as quiet and peaceable, could the Igbo have been
less tolerant with him? How exactly did the missionary manage to win some Igbo
over into christianity? In Achebe's Things Fall Apart, Nneka wasted no time in
joining the Christian when she became pregnant because she has been losing her
children through ogbanje. The outcasts in Mbanta flocked the church.
Christianity offered freedom from evil spirits and oppression. There was the
case of Nwoye who was shocked because twins were thrown away into the forest to
die and about Ikemefuna who was killed for sacrifice by his father Okonkwo. We
remember how Ndi Igbo gave out the shrines of their various gods to Christian
missionaries who cleared those sites, erected churches and nothing happened to
them contrary to the expectations from the people, their gods and shrines. The
Igbo are not sufficiently stupid to hang on to those failed shrines and gods, even
if they had not completely imbibed christianity. The gods were dead and the
people became convinced that the white man's God was very powerful. There were
those who failed at this time to become part of this dynamic process and they
lost out. The priestess of Agbala in Umuofia spitefully called the christians
the excrement of the clan and the 'new faith' was a mad dog that had come eat
it up (Achebe, 1958:101). Thus when the colonials and missionaries wanted the
chiefs and the chief priests to surrender their children for education, these
principal Igbo chiefs who were custodians of true Igbo history refused for fear
of being treacherously enslaved. Rather less privileged people like the 'osu'
caste, outcasts and personal servants regarded as 'worthless and empty' men as
described by Achebe were given to the Europeans for education. When this class
of people became educated they had no enthusiasm to engage in the collation and
preservation of Igbo history in view of their past shameful family background.
This negative motivation or social resentment even led many of these educated
elites to join in the colonialist propaganda that the Igbo had no common
history (Nwosu; 1983:6). Thus christianity and Igbo are weighted for what they
are worth and a choice is made accordingly.
Therefore the advent of christianity in Igbo land had meant the introduction of
a christian world view. Admittedly, christianity made tremendous achievements.
They abolished slave trade and slavery, human sacrifices and twin killing, introduced
education, built hospitals and charity homes. They destroyed some level of
superstition, increased human knowledge that brought about improved human
welfare. Igbo traditional religion was incapable of achieving this because it
was static as well as looking downwards. Through education and christian
religion it was possible for the Igbo to re-shape their faith and world view.
Nevertheless syncretistic practices among many Igbo christian show that Igbo
traditional religion is still alive. But this encounter with christianity means
it will ever be the same again.
The early missionaries saw themselves as social and religious reformers.
However, while they tried in their own way to achieve their mission goal, which
was the conversion of Africans into christianity, their approach and attitude
did not produce a wholesome result. They thought by condemning African
religious beliefs and practices, social and political means of control. That
they would produce 'a new man' born in a new faith; but this 'newman' produced
became a split personality - who could neither totally return to the old nor
firmly be rooted in the new. This was made worse by the fact that most of the
missionaries were not only ignorant of the Igbo people but also lacked adequate
knowledge of the content of the christian message. For instance, one of the
listeners in Achebe's This Fall Apart asked the missionary thus:
If we leave our gods and follow your god, who will protect us from the anger of
our neglected gods and ancestors? In response, the missionary nastily said
angrily: Your gods are not alive and cannot do you any harm. They are pieces of
wood and stone.
The impatience and unwillingness of the white missionary to educate the
traditional Igbo on WHO JESUS IS and WHAT HE CAN DO for them in relation to
their gods marked the beginning of a false start in communicating the christian
message to the Igbo. It was a brand of christianity, which did not affect all
facets of Igbo life. It was that failure which gave rise to ambivalent christianity
in Igboland whereby most Igbo christians resort to their local deities,
ancestors, medicine men, divination, sacrifices and use of charms or amulets to
seek for solution and protection in their crises moments. Nevertheless the
Christian message has continued to challenge Igbo man and his environment.
It is important that we be reminded that the various ethnic groups in the world
have their traditional religions as an answer to the reality of their
existence. The Philistines, the Babylonians, the Greeks and the Romans, all
indulged in idolatrous worship. The Arabs used to worship many spirits (Jinns).
Whatever rationalization we may try to make, the worship of God in traditional
It is important to observe that while pagan worship was a part of the religion
of the peoples of the world, they could still change to other religions of
their choice. Most Arabs accepted Islam and became Muslims. The British no
longer claimed Druidism as their religion, but Christianity. It was the white missionaries
who brought the church to Igbo land. Why should this not be the case in Igbo
land?
5.1. RESTORING THE BROKEN-LINK
The question that is being asked today is that of Igbo traditional religion in
relation to Christianity. The question has become more urgent today following
the explosion of christianity in
The great Apostle Paul categorically points to the fact that the worship of the
pagan gods is a distortion of God's revelation in nature (Rom.
The Igbo people are lucky people. Our great grand ancestor 'Eri' in Nri myth
knew God - "Chukwu". 'Chukwu' has offered the last and final
revelation in Jesus Christ, and he is the only foundation for humanity, there
is no other. (1 Corth
There is a way that seems right to a man but in the end it leads to death.
In acts 14:8-18 Paul made it clear to the people of Lystra that God had never
left himself without a witness and had also in time past let all nations go
their own way and then wed them in the words of Samuel the prophet (1 Samuel
12:21) to turn from their useless idols that can do them neither good nor
rescue them but to turn to the living God who made heaven, and earth and sea
and everything in them. It is Jehovah who alone is both God and Saviour (Isaiah
43:11-13).
The Bible makes it abundantly clear that God himself does not give his glory to
another or his praise to idols (Isaiah 42:8) Isaiah 42:17. And whenever people
pour libation to other gods, Jehovah's anger is always provoked (Jeremiah
You shall have no other gods before me. You shall not make for yourself an idol
in the form of anything in heaven, above or on the earth beneath or in the
waters below. You shall not bow down to them or worship them ---
Nri thought he was right in his worship of the Earth goddess and his
sacrifices. He saw the created beings as intermediaries. He became a captive of
Satan and lost his freedom. In Igbo traditional religion, the concept of Deus
Otiosus is explained by appeal to the lesser gods and the ancestors as
intermediaries (middlemen). On this the Bible declared in John 14:6: Jesus
answered I am the way, the truth and the life.
No one comes to the father except through me.
Similarly in reacting to the great tendency of elaborate sacrifices in Igbo
traditional life, Christ offered himself as sacrifice once for all (Heb. 10:10,
14). Salvation is found only in Jesus (Acts
For in him we live and Move and have our being.
In him alone we find satisfaction and meaning for our life in this world and
hereafter. This kind of choice, faith commitment has tremendous developmental
implication for us as a people and as a nation. No one can deny that looking
upwards to Chukwu has been more beneficial than looking downwards to our
ancestors. They were men who lived and died in their time. Where we are today
has been the fruit of Christianity and western education.
The 21st century challenges the Igbo to take a leap of faith and be properly
restored in our relationship with God first entered into by Igbo earliest
ancestor, A.O. Anya {2002) recently has rightly drawn attention to the demand
of the 21st century marked by a transition from a resource-driven economy,
society and culture to the new and emerging economy and culture which is
knowledge-based, technology driven and responsive to environmental concerns.
Igbo Christianity and spirituality must respond to this new demand. Because we
must not allow our culture to retard our development as a people, we must let
our culture be judged and transformed by the word of God as contained in the
Bible. The Bible makes it clear that people perish for lack of knowledge (Hosea
4:6) this we can avoid by engaging in aggressive education of ourselves and our
people. Igbo religion can accelerate economic development of the Igbo nation,
and the nation at large. This education can emphasize knowledge and character
formation that comes through changing our general orientation in terms of
values and attitudes, knowledge that would include acquiring skills and idea
that can change the mind. You change man and his environment when you succeed
in the mind. Ignorance is one of our destructive hindering forces in our
society. With sound knowledge of God, man and society, we will appreciate the
danger of superstition, idolatry, caste system and sacrifices to their idols
and with good character formation whereby we imbibe christian values, we become
major resource for economic and spiritual growth which will minimize
corruption, improve human relations and increase our productive capacity for
personal growth and social development. This religious demand of the 21st
century demands risk, choice and commitment. Risk because once you put your
hand on the plough there is no more looking backwards. Choice because it is a
matter of life or death. Commitment because it involves vision and mission. The
dominant Igbo religious and philosophical ideas require those three dimensions,
which constitute Igbo man's identity, vision and mission rooted in our faith in
Chukwu who not only creates but sustains and protects. Christianity and
education which act as source of empowerment will equip us with character and
knowledge that- can transform us into agents of change in our time.
5.2. CONCLUSION
We have argued that our Igbo religion and philosophy is embedded in our world
view. We observed among other things that the Igbo had a clear concept of
‘Chukwu’ from the Igbo genesis but was distorted by idolatrous and polytheistic
tendency thereby disrupting the original cordial relationship between the
earliest Igbo ancestor and ‘Chukwu.’ We indicated that the Igbo cosmology is
expressed in our respect for human life and dignity, respect for morality, our
commitment to truth, our achievement orientation centred on hard work, courage
and determination, our deep sense of republicanism with its democratic values
which also not only recognizes the uniqueness of the individual but affirms the
importance of Umunna/Ikwunne and insist on our faith in ‘Chukwu’ as the
foundation of Igbo life and thought.
We argued that these dominant religious and philosophical ideas constitute the
key to Igbo self-understanding and identity as well as providing the Igbo their
vision and mission in the world. We call for the restoration of the broken link
started with the advent of Christianity into Igbo land and urge all Igbo to be
fully united with one another and be restored back to ‘Chukwu’ their creator
through Jesus Christ the one and only Universal Intermediary of humanity which
is vital for the full realization of our capacity which is our ‘Igboness’ in
national development which the Igbo enemies would want to destroy for their own
advantage. We observed that the religious and philosophical challenge of the
21st century portrays Christianity and education as the only viable option,
which act as source of empowerment will equip the Igbo with character and knowledge,
which can transform us into instruments of change in our time.
NDI IGBO NDEWO Nu. We are not here to sing the praise of a people, but we see a
people who have the capacity to change their world.
Nke a Bụ Ụzọ Ndụ Na Eziokwu
Igbo, Chukwu Gọzie Ụnụ
Ọha na Eze mma
nụ
Igbo mma mma nụ
Naijira mma mma nu
Rev. Professor Emmanuel Nlenanya Ọnwụ
Department of Religion
University of Nigeria
Nsukka
4th November 2002
CASUALTIES
DURING THE 1966 POGROM AND 1967 TO 1970 CIVIL
WAR.*
By OBU UDEOZO[MSOffice5],
Mr. Brown
Agbogu of ATMN Bukuru
Morris Okam
Nwibe Enweani
Samuel Anudu
Mr. C.C.
Nwokoye of Akwa
Mr. Nwari of
Awka (All of these killed in Jos)
Mr. Nweke Ufele
Godwin Okeke of Nguru
fame
Clement Nwankwo of ACB
Nguru
Eric Okonkwo of Gusau
Iliemene Nweke Mene
Louis
Nwoyeocha
Reuben Nwandu
Oji Okoye
Okwubunne
Emmanuel L.
Nkwocha
Nwankwo Okika
a grim
chronicle from Enugwu—Agidi, a mere single town,
out
of the several hundreds of towns and cities in
Nwamadi Ifitezue
Uyanwune Ifitezue
Ernest Onyejeli
Anthony Ofoedu
Simon Onwuemene
Bernard Okoye Nwune
Benson Ogu
Okeke
Okwubunne
Nweke Nwine
Okonkwo Nwine (genealogy wiped)
Mgbeke Nwine
Kutanya Okoye
Igwikolo
Moses Okoye Nkili
Nwafor Okongwu
Nweke Ivenso
Okoye Nmoh
Okonkwo Ego
Ementa llodigwe
Okeke Odigili
Ama
Ofoedu Ivenso
Okoye Enweana
Okeke Ibeki
Nwokike Ibeki
Aghaegbune
Okoye Akuakor
Nwafor Anagor
Oranu Okolobu
Nwamadu Idegwu
Hyacinth Ibeki
Nweke Okonkwo Ego
Nwanne Okoye Anagbogu
Reginald Okeke
Odii Nwaku
Andrew Anikpe
Okeke Arize
Okoyenta
Onuorah
Joseph Ifitezue
Felix Ifitezue
Nwanebe Ifitezue
Okoye Ifitezue
Mgboye Ifitezue (nee Igboanugo)
Nwokeke Kameme
Mgbafor Enemmor
Nwamgboye
Nwolisekwe
Mankwocha
Nwokoye
Okekenta Okoye
Okafor Ndife
Nwankwo
Igboanusi
Nwankwo Eligwo
Okeke Anaduaka
Nweke Chilete
Okeke Akamala
Christopher Okafor
Chidebe Ogadi
Afocha Nwankwo Adunma
Eric Obunabo
Chukwuma
Okafor Akuafor
Onyeibo Ani
Modozie
Agwuncha
Nwokafor
Nwanmadi
Mgbajiaka
Anene Uluekwu
Nwanyaegbo Nwankwo
Okafor Patego
Tabansi Anaoji
Mgbekeocha Ogadi
Mgba Nwodu Anareńe
Nwije Ilozor
Mankwocha
Udeozo*
Peter Ilozor
Mgbeke Okoye
Eric Anenwe
Nweke Nwego
(and his wife)
Anaso
Igboanugo
Ojukwu Ańuta
Thomas Anenye
Anakpu Okonkwo
Nwufo Mokwuo
Nwaku Nwufo
Patrick Nweke
Cordelia Ilozor
Ejiofor
Chinyelu
Ilojianya
Chinyelu
Nwaomunu
Chinyelu
Mgbeke
Chinyelu
Josiah Nwandu
My Paternal Grandmother
died
Sunday Josiah Nwandu
Chukwuma Okonkwo Uchendu
Mgbeke Uchendu
lwuchukwu Okonkwo
Nwandu Okonkwo
Okafor Obuah (and his wife)
Okoye Onwurah
Okoloudo
Nkeakwa
Nwafor
Ifenacho
Okafor Ejinaka
Nkwocha Nwokoye
Nwaku Nkwocha
Cecilia Nkwocha Nwokoye
Nechi Nkwocha Nwokoye
Mr. Iwotor of the
Mr. Onyali of the
Meniru Ikpeamana
Amechi Okoye
Peter Nwaneki
Peter Nogeli
Samuel Okoli
Okafor Chilete
Patrick
Onuorah
Onuorah Okeke
Nwanma
Bernard
Okeke Nwanma
Christian Nwaneki
Nweke Obiorah
Nathaniel Nmoh
Eduzor Nkwonta
Abalaora Chieme
Okoye Menu
Nwobu Egwuekwe
Christopher
Egwuekwe
Nwakuabia
Obiorah
Akueke Mbonu
Mgboye
Isidaenu
Chieme Akunkwo
Uchenu Okeke
Nwezele Igboekwe
Mgbeke Anaeme
Okoye Nwanyaka
Ekenma Dozie
Okafor Duaka
Unoaku Morah
Jeremiah
Nwankwo
Nwamgboye
Egwuekwe
Ekpe
Nwaogalanya
Caroline
Ikeanyi
Akuekwu Nwoyeocha
Albert Igboanugo (and
his wife)
Okoye Mgbeke
Nwoduijele Nwanisobi
Nwambu Ogadi
Nwude Nwokeke
Paul Okafor
Onuekwusi Enumele
Nwanna Enemmor
Okoye Enemmor
Nmonwuba Okoye Enemmor
Chigbata Okoye Enemmor
Okoye Anawana